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TOBIAS J. C, DIEKHOFF 













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WITH 

INTRODUCTION, NOTES, AND AN APPENDIX 
OF PARALLEL PASSAGES 



BY 



TOBIAS J. C. DIEKHOFF, Ph. D., Lit. D. 

ASSOCIATE PROFESSOR OF GERMAN IN THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN 



AMERICAN BOOK COMPANY 

NEW YORK CINCINNATI CHICAGO 






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Copyright, 1902, 1915, by 
T. J. C. Diekhoff 



Entered at Stationers' Hall, London 



Nathan der Weise 
E. p. 2 

NOV 20 1915 






CONTENTS 



^f 



PAGE 

Introduction .......... 7 

I. Nathan as a Religious Polemic 

I. The Genesis of Nathan 7 

II. The Religious Content of Nathan 42 

Nathan in Theory and Practice 

a) The Parable 43 

b) Nathan in Life and Practice ...... 47 

II. Nathan as a Work of Art 

General Remarks 51 

Nathan as the Central Character ....... 52 

Frequently raised Objections discussed ...... 66 

III. The Sources of Nathan 70 

IV. Historical Foundation ........... 70 

Text o .. 75 

Notes 283 

Appendix of Parallel Passages . ... „ ...... . 339 



PREFACE 



'T^o put another edition of Nathan the Wise on the market 
■^ may need a word of justification. Without depreciating 
what other editors have done before me, I venture to hope 
that my work will not be entirely without merits of its own, 
which may give it a right to exist. The editions already 
accessible — both those of German and those of English or 
American origin — seem to be addressed to a class of students 
less mature in judgment than the ones with whom I have 
to deal, and whom I have had in mind in preparing the 
notes. To these I have endeavored to make accessible the 
most important material necessary for a critical study and a 
correct appreciation of Nathan. 

The Introduction aims to make clear the historical set- 
ting, and to establish a view point from which Nathan can 
be seen advantageously. Particularly in the second part, 
dealing with Nathan as a Work of Art, I have been obliged 
to differ in several important instances from the current views. 
It is a safe literary principle to endeavor to justify the poet 
in what he chooses to make of his work — at least to give 
him credit for having good reasons for doing what he does, 
and then to try to discover what these reasons may be. 
Especially in dealing with a work so carefully elaborated in 
the minutest details this rule must be insisted upon. 

The notes are more of a literary character, explaining 
linguistic points only where the ordinary grammar and 
dictionary fail. 

An entirely new feature is the Appendix. It explains 
the views propounded in Nathan in relation to other works of 
Lessing, and from works which we may be reasonably sure he 
read. It condenses in a comparatively few pages the scattered 
parallels found in the reading of many weeks. A student 
with the inclination and time to do further work will find in 
the list of books mentioned a tolerably trustworthy guide ; 
the ordinary reader who is not satisfied with a merely super- 

5 



6 NATHAN DER WEISE 

ficial understanding will find in the passages quoted some 
of the more striking parallels and references. 

The text is based on Lachmann's edition of Lessing's 
works, newly revised by Franz Muncker. The punctuation 
has been faithfully preserved, even in a few instances where 
a change seemed desirable to me. The reasons are given 
in the notes. 

TOBIAS DIEKHOFF. 



PREFACE TO THE REVISED EDITION 



The orthography agrees with the Prussian rules in vogue 
at the time of the first publication of this book. Since then, 
the following words and their derivatives have lost the h after 
the initial t: Tal, Ton (clay), Tor, Tran, Tr'dne, tun and Tilr. 
Forms or derivatives of only Tor, Tr'dne, and tun occur in the 
text and the Notes, and the labor and expense involved in 
making the corresponding changes in this book at the time of 
reprinting was found to be out of proportion with the result- 
ing improvement. But I have availed myself of the offered 
opportunity to rewrite a good portion of the Introduction. 

The literature bearing on Nathan directly and indirectly 
is very extensive. A comprehensive list of older treatises 
is found in an Appendix to the Life of G. E. Lessing, by 
T. W. Rolleston, a readable little biography. Of later works 
I mention, as more important, Christoph Schrempf s Lessing 
als Philosoph, and, by the same author, Lessing; Friedrich 
Loofs, Lessing als Theologe; Paul Lorentz, Lessings Philo- 
sophic; Ernst Kretzschmar, Lessing und die Aufkldrung; 
Albert Schweitzer, Von Reimarus bis Wrede; Wolfgang 
Liepe, Das Religionsproblem im neueren Drama von Lessing 
bis zur Romantik. 

Ann Arbor, August, 191 5. 

TOBIAS DIEKHOFF, 



INTRODUCTION 

1. Few works of German Literature have occasioned 
so much discussion and so much comment as Lessing's 
Nathan the Wise, And it is true that, though thoroughly 
enjoyable and intelligible in itself, Nathan, as few other 
works, gains in depth and beauty by an intelligent intro- 
duction and commentary. 

For it is not only a work of art of very high rank, and 
as such less in need of commentary; but it is also a religious 
polemic, and many thoughts, gems even to the eyes of 
the uninitiated, receive their full luster only when set in 
their proper surroundings. 

To do full justice to Nathan, the student must pay at- 
tention both to its artistic, and to its polemic, or religious 
side. Though these two are inseparably interwoven in the 
play, we shall, for the sake of clearness, separate them in 
our discussions, and consider 

I. NATHAN AS A RELIGIOUS POLEMIC 

I. The Genesis of Nathan 

2. It has long been, and is still the fashion to speak 
Plea for °f Nathan as the great plea for religious tolera- 
Toieration? tion. Its relation to the religious writings preced- 
ing it ought to suggest, at least, that it was not toleration 
about which Lessing was primarily concerned. Nathan was 
meant as a mirror to the Christianity of Lessing's day, a 
call from the letter to the spirit, an appeal from the intellect 
to the heart, from faith in theological speculation to love 
and service. And only in so far as Christian love and 
common humanity involve and bring forth toleration, Nathan 
is a plea for toleration. 

3. Avowedly, Lessing's series of religious, or theological 

n . . polemics, of which Nathan is the last, were 

Change in r 

Religious directed against the orthodox theologians of his 
Views. time. This fact alone was sufficient to gain for 
Nathan, regardless of its content, an undesirable reputation 



8 NATHAN DER WEISE 

among the majority of Christian contemporaries. The work 
was stamped as anti-Christian. And many Christians in 
our day, failing to take cognizance of the change that has 
since taken place, look at Nathan with misgiving and supect 
some hidden attack upon their faith. But the orthodoxy 
of Lessing's time, and the faith of intelligent Christians 
of the present are totally different matters. Protestant 
theology of to-day is certainly much more nearly in harmony 
with Lessing than with his opponents. 

4. It is both the privilege and the duty of every gen- 
The eration to work out its own ethical and religious 
Purpose of ideals, and to determine for itself what is ortho- 
Nathan. dox, an( j w hat is not. Convictions honestly earned 
and ideals earnestly pursued have a quickening power of 
inestimable value. But when passively received as an in- 
heritance, and accepted thoughtlessly in the form of dogma 
from a former age, they easily become dead weights to all 
advancement and vital virtue. Fortunately, almost every 
generation brings forth its own monitors and prophets, who 
revivify old, and raise up new ideals, pointing a self- 
satisfied age to work and duty. A stern call to duty Nathan 
was in its day; and though the duty of that generation 
may not in every particular be ours, a call to duty Nathan 
can and should be to us also, — if we may assume with its 
author that, though a work of art exists primarily for its 
own sake, yet it is not incompatible with its nature to have 
also some ethical purpose, at least some ethical lesson. 

5. The age in which Lessing lived, as many other ages, 
Tenor of was finely and comfortably established in the 
the Time, religious inheritance from the fathers. The dog- 
mas in which the life and faith of the Reformation had 
found its formal expression, were confidingly accepted; but 
the principles for which the Reformation had stood, the 
liberty which it had arduously won for the individual, had 
been lost. The champions of freedom had themselves turned 
despots. "Luther, man great but misunderstood," — Lessing 



INTRODUCTION g 

laments — "you did set us free from the yoke of tradition; 
who will now set us free from the much more irksome yoke 
of the letter ?" The bulwark of the great reformer in his 
fight against indulgences and other "meritorious works", his 
famous phrase "by faith alone", was for his followers an 
all too tempting invitation to underestimate, if not to dis- 
pense with, aggressive Christian work. Passive, languid, 
intellectual subjection to the words of Scripture and dogma 
was the essence of Christianity. "Of what merit is it," says 
Lessing, "to believe rightly, if we do not live accordingly? 
How fortunate it would be if you (i. e. the reformers) had 
left us as many pious successors as you have left us learned 
ones." Religion was in danger of degenerating into specu- 
lative theology, and faith into mere credulity, if not super- 
stition, which, with characteristic zeal, set no limits to its 
belief, and measured a man's religion by the multitude of 
things he took for granted or confessedly believed. The 
Bible was considered to have been dictated by divine in- 
spiration to the very letter, not only in the original languages, 
but for not a few — consistently enough — also in its trans- 
lations. The reaction against this unnatural mental servitude 
found expression in two movements, which, though springing 
from the same source, soon became hostile to each other. 
The one is known as Pietism, the other as the Enlightenment. 
Lessing was influenced by both ; more deeply by the latter. 
6. The nineteenth century has hardly been just in its 
estimate of the German Enlightenment. It was the 
Enlighten- outgrowth of the Renaissance, and shared with it the 
ment; optimistic faith in man. But many of the fanciful, 

nncip es. nQt tQ ga y f an tastic, tendencies of the Renaissance 
had been outgrown, and calm, rigid reason held sway, often 
leaving but too little room for the artistic elements con- 
tained in all fancy. Even for the highest representatives 
of the Renaissance, nature was in every part endowed with 
a soul. The absoluteness of natural laws had not yet been 
postulated, and even men rightly numbered in the ranks of 



10 NATHAN DER WEISE 

scientists recognized the influence, and courted the favor of 
sprites and spirits, now friendly, now hostile to men. The 
entire chapter of astrology and alchemy is a record of super- 
stition so gross, and, in its widely extending influence, so 
strange, that we can hardly reconcile it with its surrround- 
ings. The Enlightenment resolutely made an end of all 
this. Spirits and magic charms fell into discredit. The 
gloom of witchcraft and heresy trials was dispersed by the 
'new light. 

The Renaissance was, for the rules of conduct, and the 
sources of its development, still largely dependent on the 
civilizations of the past. In religion, the dogma delivered 
from the fathers ; in science, philosophy and art, the Greeks 
and Romans were accepted as authorities without question- 
ing. Indeed, even the Christian religion was in no small 
danger of being paganized. The Enlightenment cut loose 
from authority in every field, convinced that in his own 
intellect the individual has at hand a means quite adequate 
for the regulation of his conduct, and for an explanation of 
the world in all its phases. 

7. The father of the German Enlightenment was Leib- 

.^ „ niz; its most brilliant and versatile exponent was 
Specifically ' m . \ 

German Lessing. As compared with the same intellectual 
Elements, movement on English and French soil, the German 
phase has some quite distinctive features. Two centuries 
before, the Italian Renaissance, well on the way toward 
paganism, had, under the influence of the German mind, 
developed into the Reformation. And the impulse given by 
this movement made the German Enlightenment predomi- 
nantly theological and moral. 

The Anglo-French representatives have often been 
credited with greater consistency. They are more radical, 
more ready to deny what does not fit in with their more 
onesidedly naturalistic philosophy ; but they are for that very 
reason less universal than Leibniz and his school, less 
adequate than they in the explanation of the world in all 



INTRODUCTION 



II 



its phases. They know of God as the creator preeminently. 
They, more like Spinoza, recognize in the world only active, 
but aimless causes. Leibniz, and with him his followers, 
reckon, in the explanation of the universe, not only with 
original cause, but also with original purpose. The Anglo- 
French Enlightenment conceives of God as the creator, the 
architect of this world, which, once created, moves and be- 
haves obedient to unalterable, innate law. The preservation 
of the world is a part of its creation: it was made with the 
tendency to perpetuate itself. Miracles in the religious sense, 
as involving a cessation of the innate general laws of nature, 
are impossible, inconsistent with the nature of God, and 
therefore inconceivable. Leibniz and the German Enlighten- 
ment, deistic throughout, and too clearly conscious of the 
inestimable cultural value of the Christian religion, dis- 
tinguish more clearly between the world of nature, and the 
moral or spiritual world. The world of nature is in an 
unconscious relation to God as its creator:- the moral, spiritual 
world is in a conscious relation to him as also its sovereign, 
its father. The whole universe is not aimless, but has a 
purpose, which is the self-revelation of God. The world 
of nature reveals him in his power especially; the world 
of moral beings reveals him in his love and wisdom, or 
rather, in these two sides of the world lying open to our 
view, he manifests the corresponding two sides of his nature. 
8. As a descendant, a continuation of the Renaissance, 
the Enlightenment was a protest against external 
Historical authority, primarily that of the church, ultimately 
p er= authority of any kind, except one's own reason. 

Human reason is assumed to be the same in all ages 
and in all climes, endowed with essentially the same natural 
tendencies, the same relative appreciation of values, the same 
modes of thought. It is, in its essential nature, independent 
of the varying forms of civilization. It finds its expression 
in essentially the same standards of social life, of legal 
order, of moral law, the same aesthetic canons, the same 



12 NATHAN DER WEISE 

faith in God, and worship of God. By the nature of his 
own mind, man is autonomous, superior to any external 
authority, is his own law-giver, and has the right to be his 
own law-giver. In so far as he uses his own mind and 
evolves the standards for his living; in so far as he compares 
and judges by them existing other standards, whether of 
social and political, or of religious life and conduct, in so 
far, and only in so far, he enters upon his age of majority, 
in so far he is enlightened. Only what can be clearly deduced 
or accounted for by a process of reasoning can be true; and, 
conversely, everything else must be false. The teachings 
of the prophets and apostles, says Lessing, are not true 
because it was the prophets and apostles that wrote them, 
but they wrote them because they are true. They wrote them, 
he might have said also, because they were enlightened. 

With such views, any historical perspective is impossible. 
Human reason, e. g., can arrive at but one cause of the uni- 
verse, but one God; therefore, monotheism, as such, must 
be right, and polytheism must be wholly wrong. Human 
reason can conceive of God as revealing himself in his 
creation, in the orderly course of the universe only; there- 
fore all other revelation must be an imposition. Wise men 
of other ages were considered as being in essential agreement 
as to their views of life and their motives of living with 
the leaders of the Enlightenment: no other motives are 
conceivable. Whatever, in morals and religion, is at variance 
with these, is superstition, due to an insufficient use of the 
innate, God-given mental powers. Homer would have been 
an excellent poet, Mendelssohn suggests, if only he had not 
labored under the superstitious belief in so many gods who 
feel and act after the manner of men. The most brilliant 
eras of the past seem to the Enlightener dim and dismal in 
comparison with his own. 

9. An ally of the Enlightenment in its struggle against 
Pietism. established religious institutions, notably against 
the orthodoxy of the time, was the other movement known 



INTRODUCTION 



13 



as Pietism. It insisted, above all things, on practical religion. 
But the pietist, far from basing his creed on the declarations 
of reason, felt happy and secure and blessed in his religious, 
more or less mystical emotions and feelings, so much 
spurned by the Enlightenment. And Pietism was indeed 
productive of many noble, devoted Christian lives, and 
erected monuments to its earnestness and zeal in orphan 
asylums, schools for the poor, and other charitable institu- 
tions. Lessing pays a tribute to this movement in his 
Essay, Gedanken iiber die Hermhiiter, the Moravian Brethren, 
affiliated with the Pietists. 

10. A third influence, finally, came from France, but 
Storm and gained its full strength only later. It is the 
Stress. beginning of the movement known in German 
thought and literature as the Storm and Stress Movement. 
The impulse was given by Rousseau, especially in his Emile. 
Here, too, the sources of right living and of consequent 
human happiness are found in man himself. But, instead 
of depending for the norms of life and conduct upon in- 
tellectual speculation, this new movement — agreeing in this 
respect with Pietism — laid the main stress upon feeling. 
Rousseau's demand, "Back to nature, back to the stage of 
humanity in which an exuberant civilization had not de- 
stroyed the mystic unity of feeling and intellect,'' is a mani- 
festo against Enlightenment, which, while it made human 
life rigid and dutiful, had, by systematically making war upon 
all feeling, deprived it of many of its sweetest charms and 
rendered it poor and insipid. 

As is usually the case, the adherents of the new move- 
ment, particularly in the realms of art, went beyond all proper 
bounds in their zeal for deliverance from the irksome bonds, 
and Lessing, with great appreciation for Goethe's genius ap- 
parent also in his early works, felt no little inclination to enter 
the lists against him, as one of the foremost representatives 
of the new school, for his utter disregard of what had hitherto 
been regarded authoritative principles of art. 



14 NATHAN DER WEISE 

ii. But, in their opposition to Orthodoxy, Pietism and 
Opposition Storm and Stress united with the Enlightenment. It 
to seems like the irony of fate that Orthodoxy should 

Orthodoxy. i iave found its chief opponent in the Enlighten- 
ment, when in reality both were suffering from the same 
disease. The orthodox theologians had by strictly log- 
ical processes constructed a system, which was by no 
means the work of bunglers and half-philosophers, as 
Lessing himself confessed. They had used the same reason 
from which the Enlighteners expected everything. Thej 
were no less firmly convinced of its infallibility, and no less 
successful in extirpating the more tender and delicate things 
of life. Religion had died under their hands, and theology 
flourished. The difference between the two movements of 
thought consisted in the assumptions from which they started, 
Orthodoxy basing its system upon certain dogmas externally 
delivered through the Reformation ; the Enlightenment on 
the other hand starting out with the assumption that, 
independent of all history, man has within him the data 
from which his intellect, by a formal logical process, can 
produce the only right system of philosophy, ethics, and reli- 
gion. The immediate reaction against Orthodoxy was Pietism ; 
the immediate reaction against the Enlightenment was the 
Storm and Stress movement. 

12. Of course, it is not to be supposed that these various 
Blending of movements were kept clearly distinct, or that any 
the Move- large number of men clearly represented any one 
ard of them without being more or less affected by 

Gradations, the others also. Thus a large number of theo- 
logians, known as Neo-theologians at the time, were more 
or less thoroughly in sympathy with the spirit of the En- 
lightenment. Some were faithful adherents of the Lutheran 
church, and only ventured to apply the apparatus of secular 
philology to the text of the Bible. Others went one step 
further ; they cut loose from every creed but still upheld the 
Revelation, which, they claimed, never contradicts reason, 



INTRODUCTION lS 

if only rightly construed. And, accordingly, they applied 
their construction. Still others regarded not onl y the creeds 
as contradictory to reason, and as being invented by am- 
bitious priests, but also indulged in uncurbed criticism and 
denunciation of Revelation itself. 

13. At a time when three such important movements 
r sent= were struggling with a system which had gained 
ative strength and influence in two centuries of almost 

Men * undisturbed peace, and, at the same time, each fight- 

ing for supremacy with little less than fanatic zeal, Lessing 
lived and worked. Frederic II. * was the model of potentates, 
Voltaire the idol of literary circles, and for a considerable 
time the idol of Lessing. What was more, theologians by 
profession began to make radical changes in the customary 
order of things. Ernesti in Leipzig, hardly equalled by any 
of his contemporaries in thorough and comprehensive knowl- 
edge of classic ancient literature, and a theologian of no 
mean repute, advocated the application of the whole appa- 
ratus of philological Science to the books of the Bible. 
Michaelis, another theologian, was decidedly in sympathy 
with the Enlightenment, and made his doctrines popular 
through the attractive form of his lectures at the University 
of Gottingen. Semler, agreeing with Spinoza in many of 
his views regarding the canonical books, whose inspiration 
he denied, published early in the seventies his Freie Unter- 
suchung des Kanons, and thereby almost induced Lessing, as 
early as 1774, to issue under the title Eine noch freiere 
Untersuchung des Kanons Alien und Neuen Testamentes, a 
part of the Fragments, destined to play so conspicuous a 
part in Lessing's controversy afterward. Moses Mendelssohn, 

* A few representative names are merely mentioned to serve as an 
index to further reading. Cf. Harold Hsffding, A History of Modern 
Philosophy. Translated, London 1900, Macmillan. Or YVilh. Windel- 
band, A History of Philosophy. Translated, Macmillan. N. Y. and 
London, and Isaac A. Dorner, History of Protestant Theology, 
Edinburgh, 187 1. 



1 6 NATHAN DER WEISE 

one of the noblest leaders of the German Enlightenment 
and the greatest modern reformer of Judaism, was Lessing's 
bosom friend with whom he carried on philosophic dis- 
cussions. 

14. To these influences in Lessing's life may be added his 
Lessin 's nome training and his early education. His father 
Environ= was a pious Protestant clergyman, whose sincerity 
ment - and uprightness never failed to command the 

reverence of the son, though the slackness of the latter's 
correspondence, and the intervals between his visits at 
home, greater than even the imperfect means of travel at 
the time would seem to necessitate, might suggest at least 
a doubt as to the ardor of that filial devotion which has 
been ascribed to Lessing by many biographers. The in- 
fluence of such a home was carefully fostered at the Cloister 
School of St. Afra. Lessing himself characterizes the time 
in which he lived, and the position he took in regard to 
some of its movements, in his Bibliolatrie. He says: 
' ' The better part of my life — whether for better or worse — 
belonged to a time when, in a sense, evidences for the 
truth of the Christian religion were the fashion . . . . No 
wonder that I, too, was occupied with this sort of reading 
and soon so engrossed that I found no peace until I had de- 
voured every novelty appearing in this field . . . Not long, 
and I sought no less eagerly every article written against 
religion, and gave it the same patient, impartial hearing 
which I had hitherto considered due only to writings in 
favor of religion. I was tossed from one side to the other, 
wholly satisfied by neither. Both were .dismissed from time 
to time with the resolution no sooner to pass final judg- 
ment quam utrimque plenius fuerit peroratum. So far probably 
the experience of many is similar to mine. In other respects 
I am more likely to be alone .... The more conclusive 
evidence one side meant to adduce in favor of the Christian 
faith, the more doubtful I became. The greater the effront- 
ery and insolence with which the other side trampled it in 



INTRODUCTION yj 

the dust, the more I was inclined to uphold it, at least in 
my heart." 

15. Very early in life Lessing showed this interest in 
Religious religious matters. Even the New Year's letter, 
interest w hich in 1743 the boy of fourteen addressed to 
pendence^ nis father, gives fair promise of a character 
Thought. << which will not remain at ease where the 
accident of birth placed him, unless he remains for good 
reasons/' And in 1749 Lessing wrote to his father, who was 
troubled, not entirely without cause, about his son's con- 
struction of his pious advice: "We will leave it for time 
to prove who is the better Christian : the one who has an 
apt memory for the tenets of Christianity, and parades them 
without much vital understanding, goes to church and 
complies with the ceremonial as a matter of custom ; or 
the one who has at some time entertained reasonable doubt 
and by way of investigation reached conviction, or is, at 
least, making a fair attempt to reach it. The Christian 
religion is not a bequest to be accepted in good faith from 
the parents. As a matter of fact, most people do receive it 
as a paternal inheritance ; and they plainly show in their 
conduct the genuineness of their confession. As long as I 
do not see observed one of the foremost injunctions of 
Christianity : to love our enemies, I cannot help doubting 
whether those are Christians indeed, who are Christians by 
profession." About the same time Lessing published a 
poem: Die Religion. In the preface he says: "The first 
canto is particularly devoted to the doubts which, owing to 
the internal and external misery of man, can be raised 
concerning everything divine. The poet expressed them in 
a soliloquy resulting from the quiet of a lonesome, troubled 
day. Do not imagine that he is losing sight of his subject 
when he seems to be straying in the labyrinths of intro- 
spection. Introspection, a realization of our own condition, 
has always been the nearest, and, I may add, the surest 
road to religion/' 



1 8 NATHAN DER WEISE 

16. All through life Lessing kept up this interest in 
Difficulties theology, and wrote his thoughts quite exten- 
terminin s ^ ve ^y particularly in connection with the con- 
Lessing's troversy from which Nathan sprang. He was 
Chanffein" unusua lty well versed in ancient and modern 
his Views, literatures, and had studied the Church Fathers 
with a thoroughness that challenged men professional in 
that particular field. But, an ardent friend of keen dialectics, 
he delighted, now and then, in speculations too venture- 
some for the average, and he took the part of the stigmat- 
ized sometimes to the extent of a fault. This may in some 
measure account for the diversity of opinion regarding his 
religious views. But this diversity is largely due to the 
peculiar shape which Lessing's theological writings assumed 
owing to the time, and more to the circumstances attend- 
ing their composition. Fortunately his letters have been 
preserved to a large extent, and furnish an excellent com- 
mentary on many of his works. One of them (to Moses 
Mendelssohn, Jan. 9, 1771) shows that Lessing himself was 
aware of a change in his views, of a return from an extreme 
radicalism which would have vied in denunciation of every- 
thing pertaining to the Christian dogma with the most 
radical of the Neo-theologians, to a more conservative, 
charitable position. He says: "I have been fearing, not 
only since yesterday, that in discarding certain prejudices 
I have cast away somewhat too much, which I shall have 
to recover. If I have not done so ere this, I have been 
prevented from it by the fear that gradually I should again 
drag into my house the whole rubbish/' 

17. This change in Lessing's views is one source of 
Diplomacy, confusion. Besides, he says many things not 
from conviction, but because his opponent cannot deny 
them, and must, admitting them, weaken his own posi- 
tion. As Lessing puts it himself, he makes many state- 
ments yvpvcKjriicwg, which he would not make doyfianicwg, 
or as he writes to his friend Elise Reimarus, the daughter 



INTRODUCTION Ig 

of the Fragmentist, who is to be mentioned later : "I am 
glad you so well understand the tactics of my last pamphlet. 
I shall resort to stratagems in my dealings with Goeze, of 
which he is surely not aware/'' In regard to the same 
matter Lessing writes to his brother Karl : "In a few days 
you will also receive a pamphlet . against Goeze. With 
respect to him I have undoubtedly put myself in a position 
in which he cannot touch me as non-Christian. " 

18. If, in spite of all this, Lessing opposes the views of 
Relative tne new scno °l of theologians more assiduously, 

Position to if anything, than those of the Orthodox, it 
and N o= was ow * n & to their inconsistency, and the dis- 
theoiogians. crepancies in their system. They made the fruit- 
less attempt of bringing into harmony with their rationalistic 
theories the Biblical views of man's relation to God, and of 
the nature of the world. Creative days interpreted as creative 
periods and similar well-meant untruths would be quite in 
keeping with their tendencies. However little to Lessing's 
taste they might be, the views of the Orthodox were at 
least consistent. Orthodox theologians professedly did not 
try to adjust their doctrines to the canons of human reason. 
They were an open enemy, as Lessing says on one occasion, 
—you know where to find them. They had agreed to have 
a partition placed between philosophy and theology. The 
new school "tears down this partition, and under the 
pretense of making of us rational Christians, converts us 
into extremely unreasonable philosophers." Lessing openly 
agrees that the old system of theology is false, yet to him 
it is far more acceptable than the system which the new 
school intends to put in its place. He wishes with all his 
heart that every one might think rationally about religion, 
but prefers to pursue his own course in advancing rational 
religion. He has no desire whatever to maintain the old 
system, but neither is he anxious to do away with the old, 
as long as he sees no new one, worthy of the name, with . 
which to replace it. 



20 NATHAN DER WEISE 

19. This was his position with respect to the Orthodox 
Doubtful! an d the Neo-theologians of his time, and it can 
Tactics. easily be understood. But when, in his controversies, 
and notably in a letter to the Duke of Brunswick, he boasts 
of being considered the stanchest defender of the Lutheran 
doctrine in Germany, one finds it difficult not to condemn 
such a statement. Tactics of this kind, even though 
employed as strategic measures called for by the needs of 
the literary campaign, are hard to justify, particularly 
when one remembers Lessing's repeated charges of duplicity 
and hypocrisy leveled against Goeze and other opponents. 
It is not necessary blindly to worship a great man in 
order to prove our admiration. Lessing himself says in 
his Dramaturgie\ " The true genius does not even believe 
that we recognize and appreciate his perfections, though we 
laud them extravagantly, unless he perceives that we have 
also eyes and appreciation for his weaknesses." And his 
brother Karl significantly suggests that the Neo-theologians 
might with equal justice, in view of their aims, lay claim 
to some forbearance regarding their methods. 

It is quite plain, in spite of repeated statements to the 
contrary, that Lessing did not always contend solely in 
behalf of the principle at stake. He writes, June 9, 
1766, to Klotz, with whom he was afterward involved in 
a bitter literary controversy: "Do we write merely for 
the sake of establishing our position ? It seems to me I 
have done as much for truth if, through my failing 
to discover it, I induce some one else to find it, as if I 
had found it myself." How different Nov. 20, 1770, in a 
letter to Heyne: "It does not matter at all who of us two 
is in the right, so long as Klotz is not. 7 ' 

And thus it is, after all, not so easy to construe Lessing's 
creed from his own writings. 

* ' Was ihr den Geist der Zeiten /teisst, 

Das ist im Grund der Her 7' en eigner Geist, 

In dem die Zeiten sick bespiegeln" 



INTRODUCTION 21 

20. Very often important and deep principles found and 
Lessing's enunciated by great masters are by a shallow 
Advance following formulated into dogmatic systems void 
Thought of °^ a ^ n ^ e - Leibniz fared no better in this respect 
his Day. than the average great man. It may well be that 
Lessing was led to discover the fundamental weakness of 
the Enlightenment, the lack of historical sense, by a better 
understanding of the father of the Enlightenment, of 
Leibniz himself. He suggested that, instead of insisting 
too stoutly upon the correctness of his personal judgment, 
Leibniz, in his investigations of the truth, never laid stress 
upon his own preconceived opinions, but was firmly con- 
vinced that no opinion could at any time hold sway which 
was not true in some certain sense, not correct from some 
certain angle. And he was considerate enough to turn and 
twist any opinion until he succeeded in discovering this 
certain angle, in explaining this certain sense. Lessing had, 
at one time in his life, pretty well agreed with the common 
view of his age. All historical religions had, also for him, 
been but corruptions of what the Enlightenment was pleased 
to call Natural Religion. But he learned to discover develop- 
ment in history, and to give to each stage of development 
its due appreciation and its due honor. "Why should we 
not prefer," he says, "to see in any revealed religion nothing 
but the course in which, at any given place, human reason 
found it possible to develop, and is still developing? Why 
ridicule or berate any revealed religion?" Lessing recognized 
at least the historical importance of the various revealed 
religions ; recognized the advancement made by the adherents 
of revealed religions in the course of time. Nevertheless, 
for him also there was no revelation supernatural in the 
ordinary sense. God did not, at some few times, reveal 
himself to the fathers, but God continuously reveals himself 
to man, in our days as well as in the days of old. Lessing 
hopes for a still better revelation or gospel to come. 

This does not imply that revelation for Lessing is in 



22 NATHAN DER WEISE 

any less degree God-given. But inasmuch as God vouch- 
safes to reveal himself in all ages to every human heart, 
according to the measure of its receptiveness, the extraordi- 
nary, not necessarily the miraculous, element is excluded 
from all revelation. Revelations differ not in essence, but 
only in the degree of clearness and intensity. 

If that is not Christian faith, it is certainly heroic and 
confiding faith. And a faith enabling Lessing to find the 
viewpoint of other ages, and to be congenial with them, and 
charitable, appreciative of them ; in particular of the spirit of 
the Reformation. 

The controlling doctrine of the Reformation, in opposition 
to the exaltation of "good works," had been "justification by 
faith alone." Man was incapable of good works : "there is no 
health in us". God was primarily the judge, whose justice 
could, in spite of man's innate weakness, insist on perfection. 
The all-absorbing problem of religion was, how, in spite of 
our weakness, to reconcile God. Orthodox theologians of 
Lessing's day were still engaged upon that problem, — the 
problem of the atonement. 

The Enlightenment, on the other hand, asked first, how 
to make peace with ourselves. In ourselves we have the 
norms and sources of moral improvement; to our own con- 
sciences we are first of all responsible. The Reformation 
had emancipated man from the control of the hierarchy: 
Semler and Michaelis and other theologians of the Enlighten- 
ment, and not least of all Lessing, emancipated him from 
the thralldom of the letter and of the dogma, and made him 
free, immediately responsible to himself and his God. God 
does not have to be reconciled. His purposes with man 
are fatherly and kind. Our actions, our conduct are not 
perfect, but as perfect as we can make them in our given 
weakness. If we act as we can, we act as we must, and 
God can not and does not ask the impossible. 

But while the Enlightenment, historically blind, spurned 
the acquisitions of the Reformation, and hurled invectives 



INTRODUCTION 23 

against the Reformers as well as against the prophets of 
earlier ages, Lessing recognized that he was but progressing 
in their course, acting in their own spirit, opening his eyes 
and heart to a new revelation, when he announced that the 
purpose of all creeds, of all revelation, is to advance human 
perfection, is to educate us to the point where we shall love 
the good because it is good, where we shall be God's children 
in life rather than in speculation and creed. God to be ever 
more clearly revealed in all nature as law and order, in all 
men as wisdom and goodness and love, — that is Lessing's 
program for science and religion. Modern theologians are 
ready to grant "that credit is undoubtedly due to Lessing, 
the untiring seeker after truth, for having furthered an his- 
torical appreciation of the Scriptures and of the older dog- 
matic literature; along with others, he thus prepared a 
rejuvenation of theology."* 

21. Thoroughgoing in his thinking as Lessing was, God's 
being the cause not only of the processes in nature 
of the Will around us, but also of those within us, precluded 
Denied. f or hj m j-he freedom of the will. But Lessing is 
not a fatalist of the vulgaf kind. "Force and compulsion, 
constraining me to do what I conceive as best, how much 
do I prefer them to the bare ability to act, under the same 
circumstances, now one way, now another ! I thank my 
creator that I must, that I must what is best. If within 
these limits I take so many false steps, what would I do if 
quite left to myself, if I were abandoned to a blind force, 
which is controlled by no law, and subjects me to chance, 
none the less chance because it has its origin within my 
own self."t Lessing's determinism may be denned in a few 
words thus: the more nearly a man attains to perfection, 
the more absolutely is he compelled to definite action. God 
can not be otherwise than perfect in his dealings. Man, in 
his conduct, is determined foremost by rational, moral 

* Loofs. Les sings Stellung zwn Christenlnm. Halle, 19 10. 
t Lessing's Prelude to Jerusalem 's Philosophic Essays. 



24 



NATHAN DER WEISE 



causes tending to definite results. Where these causes are 
made non-effective, it is not by blind chance, but by certain 
irrational tendencies and psychological forces, feelings and 
emotions, stimulated partly by our physical nature. 

22, This is not inconsistent either with man's nature nor 
_ with the purposes of God. Man was not to appear 

migration on the scene perfect, but he is to grow perfect. 
of Souls. Lessing knows of no future reward or punishment 
in their common meaning. Every evil deed as well as every 
good deed must be of eternal consequence, to be sure; but 
the trend of humanity as a whole, and of the individual soul, 
is constantly directed by God to a higher plane, until we shall 
be ready for the new, eternal gospel, faith in which will mean 
virtue for its own sake alone, regardless of reward or punish- 
ment. The progress is exceedingly slow, and man with his 
limited vision is apt to become impatient. But let me not 
despair of thee, eternal Providence; not even if thy steps 
should seem, at times, to retrograde. 

"Thou hast so much to take along in thy eternal course, 
so many digressions to make. And what if it were well-nigh 
established that the large, slow wheel, advancing the race to 
its perfection, were only set in motion by smaller, quicker 
wheels, of which each brings an individual to the same des- 
tiny ? Just so ! The very path on which the race arrives at 
its perfection must also be traversed by each individual, by 
one sooner, by another later. Traversed in one and the 
same life? Well, no! — But why could not every individual 
man have been in this world more than once? Why could 
not I, too, have taken at one time all the steps toward my 
perfection, to which temporal rewards and punishments alone 
can induce men? And why not at another time all those 
which the prospect of eternal reward aids us so strongly to 
take? Why should I not return as often as I am capable 
of attaining new knowledge, new accomplishments? Do I 
acquire so much at one coming that, possibly, it would not 
be worth while returning?" 



INTRODUCTION 25 

23. After all, the elements entering into Lessing's the- 
Probabie °l°gy are not so easily discernible. For our 
Creed. purpose the question of just how much he owes 

to Leibniz or Spinoza, to Hume and Bayle, or Tertullian 
and St. Augustin, is of no great importance. It is certain 
that he did not subscribe, without reserve, to the system of 
any one of them, but had his own views, though he never 
developed them into a well-defined, rounded system. He 
openly declared his aversion to every sort of revealed or 
positive religion, though he did not subscribe in his riper 
years to the monstrous insinuations of men like Reimarus, 
and some of his Eng 1 sh predecessors, e.g. Gibbon. The 
creed which he assigns to the so-called Natural Religion 
was probably in the main also his creed, and his also the 
relative position of natural religion to positive or revealed 
religion. "To recognize a God ; to form of him conceptions 
most worthy of him ; and to have due consideration of these 
conceptions in all our actions and thoughts, is the complete 
content of all natural religion. To this natural religion 
every man is inclined and in duty bound, according to the 
measure of his strength. This measure is different in different 
men, and modifies accordingly the natural religion of every 
man. On this account certain disadvantages arose, not 
interfering with the natural liberty of man, but proving 
cumbersome in his social relations with others. These dis- 
advantages it was considered necessary to obviate." In 
this attempt positive religions originated, differing according 
to the various times, and the varying conditions of human 
society, and receiving their sanction from their different 
founders, who pretended that the conventional part came 
from God as well as the essential, only indirectly. "That 
which makes a positive religion necessary, and modifies 
natural religion in every state according to the natural and 
accidental peculiarities of each state, I call its inherent truth; 
and this truth inherent in positive religions is as great in 
one as in the other. Hence all positive and revealed 



26 NATHAN DER WEISE 

religions are equally true and equally false. Equally true, 
because it has been equally necessary among all peoples to 
come to some agreement regarding some externals in order 
to attain harmony and union in their public religion ; 
equally false, because the results of the compromise do not 
exist merely alongside the essentials, but they weaken the 
essentials and encroach upon them. The best revealed or 
positive religion is the one containing the least conventional 
additions to natural religion, the one least interfering with 
the beneficial effects of natural religion." 

24. The above is nearly the entire fragment entitled, 

Uber die Entstehung der geoffenbarten Religion, 

on which together with another short one, called Das 

Practical Christentum der Vernunft, contains probably all 

Religion. . , . - , -^. 

the germs of Lessmg s speculative theology. Di- 
rected more to the practical side are among other utter- 
ances his Testament Johannis and the Gedanken uber die 
Herrnhuier. 

In his letter justifying him in his position with his 
father, quoted in § 15, traces of his practical side are 
apparent. Schwarz says: " Morality is for Lessing always 
a correlate of religion, and the capability of moral appli- 
cation and productivity is the criterion for the truth or 
falseness of any religion." Without investigating whether 
Lessing carried out his principle in every point, in theory, 
at least, he most emphatically advocated a sublime religion 
of morality and mutual love. Not only in the two essays 
mentioned, but wherever he addresses himself to religious 
subjects, the practical side of religion is emphasized. One 
quotation must serve for a multitude: "Little children, love ye 
one another. This was the last will and testament of St. John, 
by which of yore a certain Salt of the Earth was wont to 
swear. Nowadays this Salt of the Earth swears by the 
Gospel of St. John, and I am told, that since this change 
it hath somewhat lost its savor." From the content we are 
justified in substituting for the "Gospel of St. John" Dogma 



\ 

INTRODUCTION 27 

in general, and, correspondingly, for the ''Salt of the Earth" 
Orthodoxy. 

25. In the Fliegende Blatter aus dem Rauhen Hause zu 
Estimate of H° rn ^ Hamburg, the organ of the central 
Lessing's committee for home missions of the German 
Character. Evangel i cal Church, the following brief estimate 
of Lessing's character is given: ''In true, genuine, chaste 
morality, indeed in heroism of real, self-denying love, not 
sensual passion, Lessing ranks far above all our great poets, 
and above most great men generally. As far as it is possible 
to be a Christian in deed without faith in Christianity, so far 
Lessing was a Christian, and in this he puts to shame the 
multitudes of those who, in spite of their name, in spite of 
what is Christian about them, are not Christians in deed 
and in truth, but often only in form." 

26. From the preceding general sketch some idea can 
The Frag= ^ e obtained as to Lessing's relation to the Frag- 
ments, merits, the controversy about which was the im- 
mediate cause of the publication of Nathan the Wise. 

27. In the year 1770 Lessing had been appointed 
Reimarus. librarian in Wolfenbiittel, by the Duke of Brun- 
swick. From Hamburg he brought with him a work of 
the learned professor Hermann Samuel Reimarus. The 
author, whose specialty had been oriental and classical 
philology, had, among his contemporaries, enjoyed the repu- 
tation of a great scholar, but his views were not considered 
discordant with the orthodoxy of his day. A number of 
his works which dealt with religious topics appeared in 
as many as four or more editions and were universally 
regarded as good and wholesome even for wider circles. 
Lessing was perfectly correct, when, in the controversy 
that followed, he pointed out to his opponents that the 
man they were now maligning had not very long before 
been regarded as a model scholar and a stanch defender 
of the faith. All of Reimarus' hostility to Christianity was 
subordinated to his greater enmity against Atheism and 



28 NATHAN DER VvEISE 

Materialism. Brought up in a sturdy Christian family, he 
had long and earnestly struggled with his doubts as to the 
truth of Christianity, until he had finally resolved for him- 
self to investigate its claims. The result was the work 
which Lessing published under the title of Fragments of 
an Anonymous. The first draft was completed early in the 
forties, and the author modified and improved it till his 
death in 1768. Reimarus himself had called it "Apology 
or Defense of Reasonable Worshipers of God." Being of 
a retiring nature, and unable to speak his last word with- 
out endangering the reputation and social position of him- 
self and his family, he had not intended his work for 
publication. He felt no desire to trouble the world with 
his views, or to be the cause of any disturbance. He says 
himself: "The work may remain in obscurity for the use 
of intelligent friends. With my consent it will not be pub- 
lished until the times are more enlightened. Rather let the 
common herd err a while longer, than that I, however 
innocently, should give them any offense, and provoke an 
outburst of mad religious fanaticism." The children of 
Reimarus, Lessing's intimate friends, intrusted the manu- 
script to him. 

28. Why he felt called upon to publish the work, with 
Manner of whose author he certainly did not, at this time, 
PubHca= agree, without much reservation, is a question 
probable which cannot be answered with absolute cer- 
Purpose tainty. He himself says, "I have drawn the 
author into the world, because I would no longer dwell 
under the same roof with him ... A third party, I 
thought, must either more closely unite us, or separate 
us, and this third party can be no other than the 
public." He rightly expected from this publication a con- 
troversy, in which he would have an opportunity to express, 
and above all things to clarify, his own views. At any rate, 
in 1 77 1 Jacobi and Mendelssohn in vain tried to dissuade 
him from publishing the manuscript. For the present, how 



FCTRODUCTION 



2 9 



ever, Lessing's project failed owing to the scruples of the 
publisher, who refused to undertake the publication as long 
as the official censors would not subscribe their "Vidi/' 
which, according to the views of Nicolai, who was certainly 
most liberal, could hardly be expected from Christian 
theologians. But in the year 1774 Lessing found a way 
to carry out his plan. As librarian he had been edit- 
ing since 1773 a periodical, Contributions to History and 
Literature. — From the Treasures of the Ducal Library in 
Wolfenbiittel This periodical was exempt from the in- 
spection of the censors, and thus a welcome medium for 
the publication of the Reimarus manuscript, which, accord- 
ingly, appeared as seven Fragments of an Anonymous 
Author, Fragmente eines Ungenannten. 

29. It is of no advantage to give a detailed account of 
c t t of ^ ese Fragments. Most readers would find them 
the Frag= tedious and uninteresting in spite of their great 
ments. learning and intense zeal. A true disciple of 
his time, indeed by some considered to be the best 
exponent of the Enlightenment, Reimarus lacks all ap- 
preciation of historical development, ruthlessly condemns 
and himself lacks all poetic imagination, and adds to this 
an inveterate hatred against the Jewish race, whether 
ancient or contemporary. In general, he walks in the paths 
of the English Deists, of whom he mentions, among others, 
Bayle. With uncompromising frankness he denies the possibil- 
ity of a divine revelation intended for all men, and credible 
in all ages. He accords to neither Old nor New Testament 
the character of Revelations or the divine origin claimed 
for them. The saints of the Bible, who are commonly 
regarded as models of piety and are represented as having 
enjoyed the special favor of God, he finds, in numberless 
cases, guilty of gross immorality. The belief in miracles in 
the Biblical sense is absurd, even dangerous, and wholly 
incompatible with any reverent view of God. And so he sees 
in the miracle accounts, notably that of the crossing of the 



3 o NATHAN DER VtelSE 

Red Sea by the Israelites, and that of the Resurrection, 
gross absurdities and irreconcilable contradictions. In a 
final Fragment, which Lessing did not publish, however, 
until 1778, when his campaign against Goeze was closed, 
Reimarus declares that even the establishment of the Chris- 
tian religion was based on self-deception on the part oi 
Christ (who was, however, in every respect a noble man), 
and on villainous imposture on the part of the disciples 
and the early missionaries. 

30. It is significant that of all the other religions men- 
Evident tioned not one is accused of such gross absurdity 
Unfairness and intolerant bigotry as the Christian religion. 

° f . Even the thoroughly hated Tews are said to have 

Reimarus G J J 

to Christ= tolerated the Proselites Portae among them without 
lamty. molestation. Christians are unwilling to show this 
fairness to the Deists, though they are not separated from 
them by any greater gulf. Lessing himself points out in 
what respect the two cases are not parallel. The Proselytes 
were tolerated on condition: "the Deists demand un- 
conditional toleration. They want the liberty of attacking 
the Christian religion, and yet expect to be tolerated. That 
is no doubt extravagant, and surely claiming more than 
was ever granted to their supposed predecessors in the 
ancient Jewish church. " 

31. The entire investigation is carried on in order to 
Personal show the justness of the Deists in claiming the 
Element, same toleration at the hands of enlightened 
men as is accorded to all sorts of heretics, Jews, Turks 
or heathen. Through all the bitter invectives, even through 
the frequent instances of frivolity with which the worst 
possible construction is put upon characters and events 
sacred to the hearts of many, there shines an austere 
morality, a cold reverence for the deity and a stoic 
trust in its providential guidance which command for 
the author a respect as cold as his for the feelings of 
his fellows, 



INTRODUCTION 3 1 

32. That the Fragments had at one time been, in the 
Lessing's main, an expression of Lessing's own views, we 
Attitude to j^^ little doubt. His Origin of Revealed 

the Frag= d J 

ments; Religion we have largely quoted, and need only 
P ubHshln in re ^ er to ^ e ideas developed there. Even more 
them. to the point is the uncompleted essay Von der 

Art und Weise der Fortpflanzung und Ausbreitung der chr. 
Religion, in which a very plain parallel is drawn between 
the disciples of Christ and the immoral and intriguing Ro- 
man priests of Bacchus. Much less closely Lessing was in 
touch with the Fragments at the time of their publication. 
We have to remember the letter to Mendelssohn, mentioned 
above, in which he admits having gone too far in his re- 
nunciation. Possibly because he could no longer subscribe 
to the views expressed in the essay on the Fortpflanzung 
und Ausbreitung der christlichen Religion, it was not pub- 
lished while he lived, and can, in this case, serve only as 
an index to his views when they were most radical. When 
Lessing professed to have published the Reimarus manu- 
script with the purpose of ministering to the truth, we have 
indicated in what sense he might have really meant what 
he said. Herder, himself a theologian, and certainly a man 
whose testimony is not to be despised, says in 1781, the 
year of Lessing's death: "I, who knew Lessing personally, 
knew him at a time when the Fragments were probably in 
his hands, and were occupying his mind, as I must judge 
from a number of utterances ; I, who also heard him express 
himself on matters of this nature, and think that I am 
sufficiently acquainted with his position as to what is manly 
love of truth, — I am, for myself, convinced (which may weigh 
little with others) that he undertook also the publication 
of these Fragments solely and sincerely for the advancement 
of truth, w 7 hich he desired to see investigated, tested, and 
established from all sides, in a free and manly spirit. He 
himself has said this so often, so emphatically, so un- 
equivocally; the whole manner in which he published the 



32 NATHAN DER WEISE 

Fragments and, as a layman, at most ventured here and 
there a thought in refutation ; and in general Lessing's 
character as it must be impressed on all who knew him 
(and others certainly ought to judge and speak of it cau- 
tiously) : all this is for me a warrant of the purity of his 
philosophic conviction, that in this also he worked toward a 
good end, namely — I repeat — toward a freer investigation 
of the truth, and a truth so momentous as this history 
must be for every one believing in it. Now, if this truth, 
this history, alone of all truth and history, may not be in- 
vestigated, or may not be investigated with reference to every 
doubt and every doubter, it was not Lessing's fault — but in 
our day no theologian, and no believer in religion would 
be likely to make any such assertion." And yet — when 
Lessing asks orthodox — not to say Christian — theologians of 
his time to consider the publication a deed intended for the 
glorification of the truth, he must certainly have been 
aware that the truth he meant, and the truth for which the 
theologians were contending, and with honest conviction, 
too, were wholly different matters. 

33. But two wholly different matters also were the 
What Jus= P r i yate convictions, the results of scholarly in- 
dication vestigations of the foremost theologians — com- 
lishing? paratively few in number — and the doctrines which 
Purpose were being disseminated from the pulpits. To 
of. his this day the pulpits and the professorial chairs 

Comments. ^ not seem to accord entirely. And Les- 
sing, having complained of this discrepancy with some 
success to the famous philologian and theologian Michaelis 
of Gottingen, may have intended to force men of learning 
to make public the secrets of their studies and their lecture 
rooms. The introduction and the notes which he appended 
to the Fragments were professedly intended to check the 
harm that might issue from them ; at the same time they 
very skillfully opened up the controversy. They pointed 
out that the objections of the fragmentist were directed 



INTRODUCTION 



33 



entirely against the theoretical side of the Christian religion, 
and might possibly alarm the learned theologian who sees 
his theories endangered, but surely not the Christian who 
feels in his heart the reality and force of his religion. They 
show in what way the objections, or some of them, might 
be met. Much of these notes is diplomacy on Lessing's part, 
surely not his honest conviction. He means to reassure a 
religious mind troubled by the assaults of the fragmentist, 
by pointing out that the entire historical foundation of 
Christianity might be undermined without detriment to his 
religion. What does it matter whether the report about 
Christianity will stand the test or not? For the believer 
Christianity is here, and in its possession he has a warrant 
of its reality. — Of course, the parallelism between Chris- 
tianity and Mohammedanism or any other existing religion 
suggests itself, and it would be strange if Lessing had not 
seen it. He speaks from his heart when he points out that 
the belief in a verbal inspiration of the Bible is wholly un- 
tenable, and when he emphasizes the practical side of 
Christianity as over against the thoughtless and unfruitful 
confession of faith in the mysteries of the dogma. 

34. But these notes really served to confine the attacks 
Opponents, made from all quarters of theologians entirely to 
the Fragments and their author ; the publisher was practically 
unmolested. 

35. Schumann had advanced as the best evidence of 
Beweis des the authenticity of the Revelation the anodei^g 
Geistes und nvevpaTog nal Swd/uecog of Origen, the evidence of the 

der Kraft; ... .. jrj- 1 .., 

Testament divine spirit and or divine power ; the spirit s 
johannis. working in the Old Testament being evident 
from the fact that its prophecies are fulfilled in the New; 
divine power is manifested in the miracles accompany- 
ing the teaching of Christ and believed in even by the 
heretics of the first centuries. Against him Lessing 
directed two answers: Uber den Beweis des Geistes und 
der Kraft, and Das Testament Johannis, Prophecies ful- 



34 NATHAN DER WEISE 

filled, miracles accomplished in my own presence are one 
thing — mere reports of them are quite different things. 
"Accidental historical truth can never be made a proof of 
necessary rational truth." All we have of the miracles, or 
of Christ's own words, or of the inspiration of the authors 
of the Bible is a report. All these things are for us merely 
matters of history and can never be so well attested that on 
them alone any one should be willing to rest his eternal 
welfare. "This, this is the ugly, wide gulf which I cannot 
cross, oft and earnestly as I have attempted the leap. If 
any one is able to help me across, let him do it, I beg, 
I implore him. He will be a Godsend to me." 

36. Next in order came his Duplik in answer to an 
Dupiik. attack by Pastor Ress upon the objections against 
the Resurrection. Lessing characterizes the respective po- 
sition of the three parties involved thus: "The Fragmentist 
insists : The Resurrection of Christ is not to be believed, 
also because the reports of the various Evangelists are 
contradictory. " 

"I reply: The Resurrection of Christ may be a matter 
of fact, although the reports of the Evangelists are contra- 
dictory. " 

"Now a third party appears and says: The Resurrection 
of Christ is unquestionably to be believed, because the reports 
of the Evangelists are not contradictory." 

"The reader will please notice this 'also because/ this 
'although' and this 'because/ He will find that on these 
particles all but everything depends." 

Lessing then proceeds to consider, one by one, the 
answers, which Ress proposed to the Fragmentist's ob- 
jections. He proves every one of them to be absurd and 
insufficient, and "rather an accusation against the Evan- 
gelists than an answer to the Fragmentist," because Ress 
was not concerned about the credibility of each Evan- 
gelist, but about the validity of a certain harmony of the 
Gospels of his own creation, which, if it could be proved, 



INTRODUCTION 



35 



would indict the Evangelists far more than the Frag- 
mentist ever had any right or desire to do. , Ress* argu- 
ment was in the main that the Gospels are not to be 
considered as minutes of a case at hand, but as accounts 
written at later times under divine influence, with different 
purposes in view. And from this he draws the strange 
conclusion that there can be no contradictions in them, 
and the expositor merely needs to supplement the account 
of one Gospel by that of the others. — The good-natured 
tone in which Lessing had answered Schumann, and which 
prevails also in the opening pages of the Duplik, yields, 
in the end, to a passion and bitterness of which the cause 
seems hardly to lie in the discussion in hand. Lessing 
himself says in conclusion: "I am very well aware that 
my blood runs differently now that I end this Duplik 
than when I began it. I began so calm, so firmly deter- 
mined to say everything I should have to say with calm- 
ness .... and I end with so much passion, can not deny that 
I have said many things with so much ardor and interest as 
I should be ashamed to display in a case where my neck 
was at stake." The great sorrow of his life had come upon 
him while at work on the rejoinder. Death had deprived 
him of wife and child. The happiness of his home life 
and the hope of greater happiness to come had enabled 
him to treat the follies of his opponents with the kindliness 
of a humorist. His hope had turned to despair, his joy to 
bitterness, his humor into the lash of scorn. 

Numberless other opponents arose, nine to one in defense 
of the accounts of the Resurrection. To some of them 
answers are found, in more or less fragmentary form, in 
Lessing's posthumous works. Till the end of 1777 not a 
single attack had been directed against Lessing himself. 

37 '. Only one man seems to have discovered the points 
. in which orthodoxy might with perfect fairness at- 

(joeze and J ° r 

his tack Lessing as the publisher of the Fragments. 

Position. j^ n £ k e pointed, them out without any apparent 



36 NATHAN DER WEISE 

great bitterness. This man was Johann Melchior Goeze,* 
first pastor in the Church of St. Catherine in Hamburg, a 
man to whom Lessing himself, in earlier years, ascribed 
fair talents and considerable scholarship, a man whose 
hospitality, if not whose friendship, Lessing had not deemed 
it beneath him to accept. That this man should attack 
the Fragments and incidentally, also their publisher, can 
fully be understood from the position he held as a minister 
of the Gospel which had been maliciously slandered, and 
need not be reduced to any petty personal feeling he may 
have had against Lessing owing to a courtesy which Lessing 
as librarian had unintentionally denied him. In his contro- 
versy springing from the Fragments, Lessing had openly 
declared that the theory of the verbal inspiration of the Bible 
is untenable. "Goeze is the last champion of orthodoxy 
who rigidly and fiercely defends every tittle and iota of the 
Biblical word,f and does not move an inch from the foun- 
dation of faith laid in the Augsburg confession, on which 
the generations following had with arduous thought and 
toil reared their dogmatic system .... No one could expect 
that he, who knew no fear of men, would tacitly allow the 
anti-Christian anonymous Fragmentist and the agent inter- 
ested in his behalf, to break into the fold. For wherever, and 
in whatever form, during these decades of great theological 
reckoning, a challenge had been given to Christianity, Goeze 
had taken up the gauntlet. Should he now be silent, because 
he had at one time been Lessing's 'sturdy Goeze/ and 
because his brilliant former visitor, in spite of a trifling 

* Of the more noted biographers of Lessing, Erich Schmidt, by far 
the most thorough and scholarly, is also the only one who does justice 
to Goeze without apologizing as if it were an injustice to Lessing. 
Schmidt also published Goeze's Polemics against Lessing, under the 
title of Goeze s Streitschriften gegen Lessing GOschen'sche Verlags- 
handlung, Stuttgart. 

f For a concise and lucid exposition of the whole question of Biblical 
inspiration and the gradually changing attitude of the theologians 
toward it, cf. Gennrich, Der Kampf um die Schrift, Berlin, 1898. 



INTRODUCTION 



37 



misunderstanding, still held a place in his heart? His whole 
past in the service of the church militant, and his im- 
pregnable conviction of his duties as a minister of the 
Gospel, in these times of danger, called him to arms." 

38. Goeze knows he is standing for the large majority of 
Relative contemporary orthodox theologians, and at the 
Position of same t j me Lessing claims to be a stanch de- 

Qoeze and ° 

Lessing. fender of the Lutheran church. If both mean 
what they say, they must certainly differ widely in their 
criteria of orthodoxy. Goeze had never hesitated to con- 
fess his faith, and thus plainly to state his position in the 
controversy. Can his repeated demand that Lessing as the 
defender of the Fragmentist should plainly state what reli- 
gion he considered as the Christian religion, and what 
religion he himself confessed, justly be regarded inquis- 
itorial as Lessing makes it to appear? Goeze says, for 
instance, on p. 66 of his Polemics as cited above: "If in 
this instance he plays again on the words Christian Reli- 
gion, ... if by Christian Religion he understands, with Tin- 
dal, Natural Religion. I grant his whole conclusion: but 
in that case, how about sincerity and honesty, which any 
honorable author owes to his readers, especially in dealing 
with a subject of so much moment?" If their contro- 
versy, for him at least, was to be more than a mere 
wrangling in words, it was not only desirable, but abso- 
lutely necessary to get a definite understanding of their 
relative points of view. It did not fit into Lessing's plan. 
The answer which Goeze received in the Notige Antwort 
auf eine sehr unnbtige Frage is in one sense Lessing's 
definition of the Christian faith and doctrines, but in no 
sense Lessing's confession of his own faith. It is only in 
one sense his definition, because he himself confesses in one 
of his letters that by his tactics he intended to set the 
Catholics against the Protestants, as Paul of old divided 
the Sanhedrim. And to Elise Reimarus he writes: "Since 
Goeze made the mistake of asking, not what of the Christ- 



3« 



NATHAN DER WEISE 



ian religion I believe (but Goeze did ask this question), but 
what I consider to be the Christian religion, I have won 
the contest." And so he had. Goeze was silent. 

39. Lessing had arrayed Catholic against Protestant 

in demanding recognition for ecclesiastical tradi- 

Gist of 00 

Lessing's tion. He asserted that the criterion of fellowship 
Argument. j n ^e Christian church was the acceptance of the 
so-called Regula Fidei, the Rule of Faith, which, he in- 
sisted, and rightly, had been used in this capacity before 
the canon of Scripture had been established. "The letter 
is not the spirit, and the Bible is not religion. The Bible 
contains more than belongs to religion, and it is a mere 
hypothesis that the Bible is as infallible in this 'more' as it 
is in the rest. — Religion is not true because Evangelists 
and Apostles taught it, but they taught it because it is 
true. From their inherent truth the validity of written 
traditions must be established, and any possible amount of 
written tradition can give no inner truth to religion, if it 
has none in itself." These sentences were the bulwarks of 
Lessing's position. It seems strange to us that Goeze and 
his colleagues should have so violently opposed ,them. But 
they knew, on the one hand, that Lessing agreed with 
Reimarus particularly in his views regarding the origin of 
the Bible and the value of the miracles; to their minds, on 
the other hand, the verbal inspiration of the Bible was 
the only sure foundation for a creed, and, doubtless, Les- 
sing's sentences were pregnant with danger to their theory. 

40. Lessing had won the contest. Against his adroitness 

and skill at arms Goeze's heavy armor did not 

Character J 

oftheCon= avail. "Victories decide wars, but they are very 
troversy. doubtful proofs of a just cause, or rather, they 
are no proof at all/' With these words Lessing introduces 
his essay on the Moravians. Every one admits that the 
controversy was carried on from Lessing's side with a 
wealth of learning and brilliancy for which his opponent 
did not begin to be a match, but it is only fair to admit 



INTRODUCTION 



39 



also that his weapons were not entirely free from the poison 
of malice and calumny. Goeze was rather coarse and 
clumsy, sometimes ; Lessing answered with insinuations 
derogatory to Goeze's character which were wholly unnec- 
essary and surely not worthy of him. In his zeal for the 
principle which he meant to establish he was wholly unjust 
to the individual. "He has for all time made Goeze the 
type of narrowness and opposition to science/' says Lessing's 
biographer Stahr; — but he had no right to do so. "He 
needed just such an opponent, in whom theological bigotry, 
with its rude superficiality, its unscrupulous distortion, its 
logical clumsiness, its hypocritical solicitude for the souls of 
ethers, was, as it were, personified," Schwarz, himself a 
theologian, expatiates on Stahr; but Gross, editor of Les- 
sing's theological writings, certainly with full justice ques- 
tions his right indiscriminately to take any one for such an 
opponent. 

41. The inherent value of Lessing's polemic writings 

ft . .is not lessened on that account, and in their 

Outcome of 

the vivacity and beauty of style they are unexcelled 

Quarrel. - n Q erman p r0 se. His work in the field of theol- 
ogy, as before that in the field of art, proved to be a most 
powerful stimulus to professional theologians afterward, 
and though few, if any, of his hypotheses stood the test 
of more thorough research without some material modifi- 
cation, it is fair to say that also in the field of New 
Testament criticism Lessing was a brave and fearless torch- 
bearer. 

42. It seems like a strange contradiction, the bitterness 
Occasion of the quarrel and the gentleness and love breath- 
^ f i*?. e x ing from the Last Will and Testament of St. 

Publication ° J 

of Nathan. John, which had shed its halo over the begin- 
ning of the controversy, and in the end pronounced its 
"Little children, love ye one another, " from the mouth of 
Nathan the Wise. For the last polemic against Goeze is 
Nathan. The tenor of the Fragments and of Lessing's 



4 o NATHAN DER WEISE 

own polemics, rather than some hints thrown out by 
Goeze, had induced the authorities to prohibit any further 
continuation of the controversy, and the publication of any 
theological matter from Lessing's side. On the night of 
the tenth of August 1778, as he writes to his brother 
Karl, he conceived the idea of saying his last word in the 
matter from the stage. Not, indeed, that he meant to 
yield entirely to the demands of the authorities. For in 
spite of their prohibition he published a number of pam- 
phlets against Goeze, and others. But he had to be ready 
for the worst, as he says, and for emergencies one is never 
so well prepared as when one has money. To procure 
money, of which he would be so much in need, in case he 
should lose his position as librarian, he took up an old 
dramatic subject, a part of which he had roughly sketched 
probably after his return from Italy 1776, and prepared to 
have his Nathan printed by subscription. In a prospectus 
dated August 8 *, which was more or less privately cir- 
culated among friends, he says: "Inasmuch as it has been 
demanded that I should suddenly desist from a kind of 
labor which I have, doubtless, not carried on with that 
sort of pious craftiness with which alone it can successfully 
be carried on, circumstances rather than choice have caused 
me to take up an old theatrical attempt, which, I see, 
should long since have received the last finishing touches. 
For this purpose, it might be thought, I could not have 
chosen any more unsuitable moments than the moments of 
vexation, in which one should prefer to forget how the 
world really is. Yet, not so. The world of my specu- 
lation is by no means a less natural world, and I should 
not be surprised if it were not the fault of Providence 
alone that it is not just as real. — This attempt is of a 
somewhat unusual nature, and is called " Nathan the Wise" 



* This prospectus must have been dated back, if the statement in 
the letter to Karl of August 10th is correct. 



INTRODUCTION 4 1 

in five acts. Of the exact contents I can say nothing. 
Suffice it to say that it is well worthy of dramatic treat- 
ment, and that I shall do everything to be myself satisfied 
with this treatment/' 

43. Some polemic disturbances, notably an attack by 
Besetting Professor Semler, and above all things dire pe- 
Difficuities. cuniary distress, made the labor very burdensome. 
To his sister, who had asked him for assistance, he wrote : 
"If you knew with what cares I have had to struggle since 
the death of my wife, and in how needy circumstances 
I have been living, you would rather pity than reproach 
me." Indeed, he was driven to accept a loan of two 
hundred and twenty-five dollars from a Jewish merchant, 
Wessely, in order to have the necessary means for the 
continuation of the work and the unavoidable expenses in 
publishing. 

44. On the 14th of November 1778 Lessing began to 
Dates. put the sketch into verse. The second act he 
began December 6th, the third December 28th, the fourth 
February 2d, 1779, and the fifth on March 7th. Not count- 
ing two or three predecessors, because they remained with- 
out any influence, Nathan is the first German drama in 
iambic pentameter. 

45. At this place as well as any other we may speak 
How briefly also of the reception accorded to Nathan. 
Nathan Lessing himself professedly did not expect the 
received, play to be admitted to the stage, or at least not 
for a century to come. No place was sufficiently en- 
lightened to receive Nathan. "But all hail to the place 
where this may first be done." The honor fell to Berlin. 
Only two years after Lessing's death, and hardly four after 
the completion of the play, April 14th, 1783, it was there 
produced, though with little or no success. Equally unsat- 
isfactory were a few other early attempts. The play was first 
produced successfully on November 28, 1801, in Weimar, 
under the auspices of Schiller and Goethe, in the modified 



42 NATHAN DER WEISE 

version prepared by Schiller. Since then it has been trans- 
lated into most of the languages of Europe. In 1842 it 
was produced in a modern Greek translation in Constanti- 
nople, and was received with great applause in this center 
of Mohammedanism. From time to time it still takes its 
place on German stages,* and less often in England. Its 
success depends in no small measure on the ability ol 
the actors, whose roles are anything but easy. 

II. The Religious Content of Nathan. 

46. We have seen in the sketch of the genesis of 
Nathan as Nathan what purpose the drama was to serve in 
a Jew an connection with the theological troubles. It is 

Insult to . 

Christian^ not a mere plea tor toleration. I his purpose is 
ity? served better in an earlier play of Lessing's, Die 

Juden. Neither can it be called an attack upon or 
an insult to Christianity. To be sure, the noblest char- 
acter, Nathan, is a Jew, in name and ceremonial at least. 
But did not also Christ, preaching to the Jews, hold up 
the Publican and the Samaritan as models of the virtues 
which he missed in his hearers? Surely not because these 
virtues were not at all exemplified among his own peo- 
ple. But, choosing Publican and Samaritan, he implicitly 
says that their virtues could much more reasonably be ex- 
pected from the Jews. A similar view we must take of 
Nathan. 

47. But there is another reason why Lessing made 
Nathan- Nathan a Jew. Not, indeed, the reason assigned 
Shyiock. by Kuno Fischer, namely that from Judaism as a 
religion to Nathan's free Humanity is a much longer step 
than from Christianity : Nathan is a Jew in name only. 
The reason lies in the social condition of the time. At 
the time of the crusades far more than even in Lessing's 
days, the Jew was without kingdom or nationality, nowhere 

* During the twelve months ending July 1901, forty -rive times, 



INTRODUCTION 



43 



equal with his fellow men, often not even tolerated. m The 
legitimate product of indignities as those to which he was 
subjected is Shakespeare's Shvlock. How noble the phil- 
osophy, the faith, that makes of Shvlock a Nathan, a faith 
not impossible with a Jew of Nathan's time, and all the 
more to be expected from Christians, no matter how rarely 
found among them. 

48. If, however, Nathan has often been regarded as an attack 

upon Christianity, it is in a large measure due to the 
Theory and fact that the interpretation has been almost wholly 
Practice. based upon the ring parable. Important as this is, it 
represents only the theoretical side of Nathan's faith, his theol- 
ogy. In theology, in externals, Nathan is still a Jew. The 
practical side, his religion, becomes apparent in the seventh 
scene of the fourth act, the great scene in which Nathan 
reveals his heart to the friar. Here we see Nathan in his 
life and vital principles. And they are Christian. 

49. a) Lessing himself repeatedly referred to the De- 
the camerone of Boccaccio, First Day, Third Story, 
parable. Melchisedec the Jew, as the source of his Nathan. 
Sources. <<j believe I have invented a very interesting 
episode for it, so that the whole shall be very readable." — 
Years before he had found this story in Boccaccio, and 
had then made a rough plan for a drama, which he now 
carried out with a number of essential changes. — Besides 
the version of Boccaccio, Lessing knew two or three 
slightly different ones, found in the Gesta Romanorum, a 
mediaeval collection of short stories. The parable is older, 
however, than all of these versions. It was probably in- 
vented about the year 1100 by a Spanish Jew. About the 
history of the fable and its transformations, of which 
Lessing probably knew nothing, Erich Schmidt gives all 
necessary information in his Lessing, Vol. II, p. 327 f. 
Lessing followed seemingly in every detail the version of 
Boccaccio. The few innovations which he makes are, how- 
ever, full of significance, and change the spirit and scope of 



44 



NATHAN DER WEISE 



the whole parable. They are worthy of our attention all 
the more because Lessing himself says in a letter to Ramler, 
who read a proof of his manuscript, that on the story 
especially he had spent much labor. Besides, we know 
what aim he pursued in the work. 

50. Boccaccio starts in with the ring in possession of 
Differences the man in the East : Lessing indicates also its 
between origin: u Aus lieber Hand" It is fair to rec- 

the parable ° 

and its ognize with Kettner and Erich Schmidt as the 
"AusHeber or ^ ma ^ ^ rst gi yer God, and to assume that 
Hand." Lessing meant to indicate the divine origin of 
religion. To be remembered, however, that in his eyes 
the divine in man would be simply human, giving to this 
word its best and fullest significance. At all events, reli- 
gion is not an arbitrary innovation of an idle brain, and 
a religious consciousness may well believe it to be of divine 
origin. 

51. Again, with Boccaccio the only advantage attach- 
The Power m g to tne rm g * s tne primacy in the family. 
of the Ring. With Lessing the essential quality of the ring is 
the one which is also ascribed to it in one version of the 
Gesta Romanorum: it has the secret power of winning 
favor with God and men; on condition, however, that the 
owner wears it with this confidence. And this condition 
again is Lessing's own addition. It is possible that in 
giving his preference to the version of the Gesta Romanorum 
Lessing purposely meant to imply that any one implicitly 
confident of the love of God and men toward himself 
would, as a matter of fact, beside this religious con- 
fidence cultivate also religious love and its correlate, moral- 
ity. If no human activity is called for beside that 
implied in the condition of faith in the efficacy of the ring 
(not necessarily in its genuineness), this is probably the 
case because it seems impossible to distinguish cause and 
effect : love of God and men and love to God and men, 
these two phases are inseparable. 



INTRODUCTION 



45 



52. It is a suggestive hypothesis of Kettner that in the 
The Man Man in the East, having received his ring "am 
in the East. n e fer Hand" we are to see not Judaism, or 
either of the other two religions considered, but rather a 
primary state of every religion. "The adherents of every 
religion," Lessing means to say, "consider themselves the 
chosen people, as long as they are unshaken in the belief 
that in their religion alone a revelation is transmitted. And 
accordingly they claim for their creed validity for the whole 
world/' The making of two new rings is, then, not to 
signify the advent of two new religions, but rather the 
maturing of the consciousness that other religions make 
the same claim to universality. And this consciousness 
was certainly very strong with the persons acting in our 
play. 

53. It is idle to speculate as to whom we are to see 

in the father of the three sons. A parable is not 

The Father . r 

of the three supposed to be applied in every insignificant detail. 
Sons disre= Accepting Kettner 's hypothesis concerning the 
the differ= Man in the East, we might see in this father the 
ences of representative of the consciousness matured to the 
stage of religious doubt. At all events, this father 
could not distinguish which one of the three religions had 
the better claims. And Nathan, too, does not here feel called 
upon to decide this. The distinguishing dogmatic elements 
of all religions are equally matters of history; all of them 
more or less harmless accessories to natural religion. And 
though the various creeds, each in its peculiar development, 
and environment, assuredly served a divine purpose, and may 
be historically appreciated, yet the superiority of any one does 
not rest upon greater reliability of its sources, but upon its 
fitness to endow man with clearer visions and higher ideals. 
Explicitly to decide the question of superiority, Nathan left 
to Saladin; his own decision we may infer from the seventh 
scene of the fourth act. Yet, repelled by the conventional 
over-emphasis upon the importance of creeds for man's ethical 



4 6 NATHAN DER WEISE 

and religious development, Lessing seems to have rather 

underestimated existing differences in this regard. 

54. In the advice of the judge, too, who is Lessing's 

D . own creation and so independent of his model, 

Emphasis r ' 

upon the differences between the existing religions seem 

Morality. tQ ^ e considered of no account. Attention is 
called to the fact that the virtue of the ring is to be made 
manifest in winning favor with God and men or — taking 
for granted that love begets love — in producing love for 
God and men in the owner. But of the three existing 
rings not one has the promised power, which must be due 
to one of two things : either the genuine ring is not among 
the rings owned by the brothers, or the owner does not 
fulfill the condition on which the manifestation of its power 
depends, he does not wear the ring with the necessary 
confidence in its efficacy. The remedy suggested seems, in 
its first part, somewhat strange: each one of the brothers is 
to believe that his ring is the genuine one, and that it 
has the promised power. The more practical seems the 
additional advice that each one is to quicken this innate 

power 

' ' mit Sanftmut, 
Mit herzlicher Vertraglichkeit, mit Wohlthun, 
Mit innigster Ergebenheit in Gott." 

And then, after thousands of years, the power of the 
stones — not of the one stone only — may show itself in 
their children's children's children. The present judge can 
not decide between the claims of the various owners; after 
thousands of years, another, wiser man will occupy his 
chair and judge. Indeed, it is suggested that possibly 
the wise father, who might here very well be Providence, 
made the three rings indistinguishable with a wise pur- 
pose, in order that one brother might not be favored 
above the others, but that rather all might have an in- 
centive to realize the promised power. As a consequent 
result no decision would be necessarv in the end, be- 



INTRODUCTION 4? 

cause if each loves the other, no one would ask for a 
judgment. Here, as in other places, Lessing seems to 
put the emphasis on morality, and, as in the Duplik, 
esteems the effort in the search after the truth more 
highly than the possession of the truth. Possession of 
the truth, a religion with power, it seems, is to be at- 
tained after thousands of years by all the various con- 
fessions, if they strive in that direction. 

il, Ein gitter Mensch, in seinem dunkeln Drange, 
1st sick des rechten Weges wo hi bewusst" * 

Probably Lessing thought here of the new, eternal Gospel, 
which, according to his Education of the Human Race, will 
supersede the Christian Gospel, as this is an advance over 
Judaism and Mohammedanism. But it may be reached 
by the adherents of one creed as well as those of any other. 
We have seen in another place what he considered to be 
the best religion. Unimpeded development of so-called 
Humanity, whatever that may mean for each successive 
generation, is the end toward which the race is striving. 

55. b) It is fair to assume that in Nathan w T e are to 
nathan see a representative of this perfect religion. We 

IN I IFE 

AND shall endeavor to do justice to his character in 

practice, the second part. At this place we want to 
cast a look at the scene mentioned at the beginning of 
this chapter. It affords us a glance into Nathan's heart, 
which he had modestly concealed from all but the pious, 
single-hearted friar, because single-hearted piety alone can 
appreciate deeds impossible for human nature, unless deeply 
devoted to God, and completely resigned to his will and 
purpose. 

And what do we find in his heart? He is human in 
his tears, in his despair, in his vow of inveterate hatred : 
he is almost more than human in his resignation to God's 

* Cf. also ^chiller's Worte des Glaubens. 



4 8 NATHAN DER WEISE 

will and ways : * ' Und dock is/ Go//, dock war auch Got/es 
Ra/schluss das" He is more than human in his conscious- 
ness of absolute dependence upon God: li Ich will! Wills/ 
du nur, dass ich will!" More than human in his love for 

enemies : 

^ich nahm 
Das Kind, trug's auf mein Lager, kiisst' es, war/ 
Mich auf die Knie und sch/uchzte: Gott ! auf sieben 
Dock nun schon eines wieder ! '" 

A.nd almost more than human he is, finally, in the ac= 
quiescence in God's counsels concerning him ; 

"Und ob ?nich siebenfache Liebe schon 
Ba/d an dies einz' 'ge fremde Made hen band, 
Ob der Gedanke mich schon totet, dass 
Ich meine sieben Sohn in ihr aufs neue 
Verlieren soil : wenn sie von meinen Hdnden 
Die Vorsicht wieder fordert, — ich gehorche." 

It seems as if Lessing had reiterated and exemplified in 
this scene all the essentials of Nathan's religion. And 
whence are his principles? The good friar involuntarily 

ejaculates : 

' '•Nathan, Nathan, 
Ihr seid ein Christ ! — Bei Gott, Ihr seid ein Christ ! 
Ein bess'rer Christ war nie!" 

To be sure, Nathan at once rejoins : 

' ' Wo hi tins ! Denn was 
Mich Euch zum Christen macht, das macht Euch mir 
Zum Jtiden" 

But Beyschlag's objection to this rejoinder is well founded : 
the probability of such love for enemies is not given in 
Judaism, but it is given in Christianity. That is not say- 
ing that a Jew of to-day would not be capable of it ; but 
in so far as he practises it, he is realizing a Christian ideal. 
The Old Testament, the sacred document of Judaism and 
the truest exponent of its doctrines, nowhere, not even in 



INTRODUCTION 



49 



the Psalms, in which personal piety finds its highest ex- 
pression, commands love of enemies or exalts it as an ideal 
for which to strive. A reply to deeds such as the Chris- 
tians are said to have perpetrated upon Nathan's wife and 
children is found in the pathos of the 137th Psalm: "By 
the rivers of Babylon, there we sat down, yea, we wept, 
when we remembered Zion." And it closes with the 
frightful prayer for vengeance upon Babylon which had 
committed such deeds: "O daughter of Babylon, who art 
to be destroyed ; happy shall he be that rewardeth thee as 
thou hast served us. Happy shall he be that taketh and 
dasheth thy little ones against the stones." Words like 
these could not stand in the Psalms, if the religion of the 
Old Testament meant to educate men to that exalted love 
which Lessing ascribes to his Nathan. "This triumph of 
humanity, of love to God and men, was brought into the 
world by him who, dying on the cross, prayed for his 
murderers, and in virtue of his blood shed for his enemies 
wrote into the hearts of his followers the new command- 
ment : ' Love your enemies, bless them that curse you, 
do good to them that hate you/" — Mendelssohn practically 
made the same admission when he wrote: "When Nathan 
had made its appearance, it was rumored, that Lessing had 
slandered the Christian religion, although he had only 
ventured to find fault in some particulars with a few 
Christians, or at most with the Christian church. His 
Nathan, we must admit, is really an honor to the Christian 
church. On what a high plain of enlightenment and 
culture must the people be among whom a man can at- 
tain this height of sentiment, and develop this nice discern- 
ment of things human and divine." Possibly these words 
were not, and are not appreciated because coming from a 
Jew, and yet they seem to be directly to the point. Nathan 
is a Jew, "like whom there are few others," a Jew who 
has been willing to learn from Christianity and certainly 
lived by its principles more nearly than thousands of Chris- 



50 NATHAN DER WEISE 

tians in name and profession. His ethical principles bear 
the imprint of Christianity, though he did not seem to rec- 
ognize it ; but, though followed by a Jew, they remain 
Christian still. 

56. Thus it appears that Nathan's — and Lessing's — 
The riorai ideal religion, as far as it goes, coincides with 
of Nathan. Christianity : ideal Christianity to be sure, but 
Christianity none the less. Lessing himself was probably 
aware of this. In the publication of his Nathan he promised 
"to play a worse trick on the theologians than he could 
by issuing ten more Fragments. " He expected that in their 
hearts they would be full of anger, though none would 
venture to attack the play openly. Lessing's purpose in 
publishing his Nathan, accordingly, can hardly have been 
anything more or less than to represent ideal Christianity 
as a thing to be hoped for, possibly thousands of years 
hence, and to admonish the theologians of his day, as 
Christ admonished the Pharisee to whom he told the par- 
able of the Good Samaritan: "Go ye and do likewise," 
implying that they had not yet so much as made an at- 
tempt to reach Nathan's perfection. 

57. We have hinted that Lessing himself,' even when 
Lessi he wrote his Nathan, had not reached the per- 
and his fection of his hero. Above all things, there are 

eaI " a number of features in the abominable char- 

acter of the patriarch which are clearly intended to be 
travesties on Lessing's opponent, Pastor Goeze. The 
patriarch received even the outward physiognomy of Goeze. 
The passages in question are given in the Appendix, and 
we must here content ourselves with referring to them. — 
We are likely to judge too harshly, when we see that the 
poet, in point of whole-souled charity and nobleness of 
spirit could not rise to the creation of his mind and heart, 
the creation of the sacred hours of his life, hours sancti- 
fied by death and bereavement. In this instance, too, 
"He that is without sin, Jet him first cast a stone." Who 



INTRODUCTION 5 1 

is he that would not humbly, and yet hopefully, confess 
that his own life lias but rarely, if ever, come up to his 
ideal ? 



II. NATHAN AS A WORK OF ART 

58. Nathan was to be the last word in the quarrel 
Nathan not w ^ tn Goeze, and it was not unnatural for Les- 
a Satire. sing's friends to expect that it would be bitter 
and satirical in its tone. Lessing disabused them of this 
notion, writing in a letter to his brother Karl: "It will 
be as touching a piece as ever I made.'"' And in these 
words he characterized his work very well : it is touching; 
not, indeed, fostering a slovenly sentimentality, but a sturdy 
tenderness which inspires and exalts us at the same time. 
59. If the purpose and characteristic effect of tragedy* 
Tragical in 1S to make us appreciate the power of the good 
its Effect. i n man, manifesting itself in defiance of evil and 
malice, Nathan, without being a tragedy, fulfills this pri- 
mary requisite of tragedy. Indeed, more manifestly than in 
most of the species of this highest class of dramatic art, 
we find here genuine goodness celebrating a triumph. 

60. The virtue which Nathan acquired in a life of 
The Lead= severe self-education and self-denial is exempli- 
ing idea of fled in deeds, proves its power and efficiency in 

e ay * his dealings with men, and is unreservedly rec- 
ognized and acknowledged by men, notwithstanding their 
prejudices and differences of creed. This is the leading 
idea of the play. 

61. To appreciate Nathan as a work of art, which it 
The proper is primarily, we must be content to let the hero 
a Wo"^ 0^° act w ^h m the bounds prescribed for him by the 
Art. poet. The elements enlisting our interest in any 
work of art are not primarily Christian or sectarian, but 

* Theodor Lipps, Der Streit i'tber die Ti'agodie. 



52 



NATHAN DER WEISE 



human. In the instance at hand, we must above all things 
disregard the polemic element, rise above our creeds, what- 
ever they may be, in order that the names may not dis- 
turb us, and so be prepared to estimate the life which 
Nathan leads. Taking him quite as the play presents him 
to us, we can appreciate what a life like his demands and 

what it gives. 

ll Und dock ist Gott ! 
Dock war auch Gotles Ratschluss das! Wohlan! 
Ko7nm ! . ube, was du langst begriffen hast, 
Was sicherlich zu itben schwerer nicht 
A Is zu begreifen ist, wenn du nur wills t" 

62. This is the sum total of Nathan's experience, this is 
Nathan's his wisdom. This confidence enables him not only 
Character to maintain that imperturbable equanimity in all 
sition in tne trials of his life, but is also the source of 
the Play, his kindness, his charity and toleration. And 
these vicissitudes, in turn, were no doubt a means of 
strengthening Nathan's faith, which is altogether too brave 
and heroic to have been an inheritance which he accepted 
from his ancestors without thought or trouble on his part. 
He paid for it with the dearest treasures of his life. His 
wisdom is the truth which he had tested in his own ex- 
perience ; his rule of life and conduct, the love and for- 
bearance of a heart ennobled, and softened, and tranquil- 
lized in the joys and sorrows of an eventful life. He had 
seen the perverseness of the human heart, had felt its forti- 
tude. A Jew, mercilessly driven to the limits of human 
endurance, he practised love toward his enemies, and con- 
strained himself to obey the most exacting injunction of 
Christianity. — No other character of our play has reached 
anything like the perfection which Nathan attained in the 
school of life. And so they all serve as a background for 
him ; from the proud, youthful, unsettled Templar and the 
mighty, charitable, but inconsiderate Sultan, to the naive, 
but well meaning nurse, and the hypocritical, intriguing 



INTRODUCTION 53 

patriarch. The characters, individuals in themselves, none 
the less serve to accentuate the extraordinary qualities in 
Nathan, and it is worth while to make the comparison. 

63. Between Nathan and Recha exists a most tender 
Nathan relation. Having received her, as it were, 
and Recha. from the hand of God as a compensation for 
his seven sons, he is attached to her with sevenfold 
love, and has taken the utmost pains with her edu- 
cation. Possibly in consideration of the position assigned 
to man by his birth and kinship, he refrained from 
perplexing the Christian child with dogmatic, sectarian 
discussions, and emphasized the more the fundamental 
tenet of his own special religion : he loved her and taught 
her that God with more than fatherly care provides for 
those who love Him, and even may work miracles in their 
behalf. In what sense this is to be taken, he makes clear 
at the first opportunity (cf. the note to 11. 210 ff. ) emphasiz- 
ing at the same time another important principle. After 
her narrow escape from the fire, Recha had been spending 
her hours in dreamy, grateful contemplation. Nathan 
rouses her from her fantastic revery, and makes her ready 
and anxious to express her gratitude to God in good deeds 
toward his needy creatures. His view of gratitude takes the 
place of Daja's vagaries. No friend of dead book learn- 
ing, he has by word of mouth and by example educated 
his daughter to be an ornament to any family, or any creed. 
She, in turn, looks up to her father with reverential, lov- 
ing confidence. All her angelic loveliness the Templar as 
well as herself recognizes to be the creation of the artist 
who imagined in the rejected block the divine form that he 
released, and made it the most eloquent testimonial of all 
the good and noble within himself. 

64. Comparing Daja with Nathan, we find many good 
Nathan an d praiseworthy features in her, which have 
and Daja. generally been quite disregarded. Kuno Fischer 
finds fault with Lessing for allowing Nathan to commit the 



54 NATHAN DER WEISE 

pedagogical folly of making Daja Recha's companion. It 
is well to remember the good friar's observation : children 
above all else need love. And Daja devoted herself with 
so much loving care to Recha that the orphaned child 
hardly missed her mother. Possibly, Lessing meant to in- 
dicate that homely goodness also has its place in the world, 
and that a man like Nathan could appreciate Daja in spite 
of her evident limitations. Her solicitude for Recha's 
eternal salvation never abates, and she is fully confident 
that the dispensations of Heaven will eventually crown her 
hopes and efforts in this direction with success, though, in 
her judgment, the girl's relation to Nathan, the Jew, is 
pregnant with danger. And, withal, she gratefully appre- 
ciates Nathan's kindness and magnanimity toward her. In 
her faith she differs most essentially from Nathan. His 
foremost demand in matters of religion is truthfulness and 
clearness, vital experience. Her faith is a matter of un- 
defined feeling, fantastic devotion ; and rigid truthfulness 
and honesty with herself is so little her concern that she 
does not shrink from fostering in Recha the fanciful angel 
dream. In view of all this we can well excuse Nathan for 
taking Daja's matters of conscience somewhat lightly. 

65. If with Daja religion was a matter of undefined 
Nathan feeling, it was naive and generally harmless. The 
and the patriarch, like his historic prototype, is, in a word, 
Patriarch. a scounc j re i ? making of religion a cloak to shield 
him. from the legitimate results of his machinations. He 
is forever prating about the welfare of the kingdom of God, 
his resignation to God's will, and his devotion to the 
church; and talks glibly of divine dispensations which proud 
human reason should not attempt to fathom. But even 
without his almost humorous grotesqueness, it would be 
evident that all this is idle talk in his mouth. His das- 
tardly plot against the life of the Sultan ought to have been 
expiated on the gallows, and his crouching before the 
Sultan's favorite, the Templar, to whom he had laid bare 



INTRODUCTION 55 

his villainy, finds in contempt its only adequate return. 
The only God he knows is his own self, the welfare of the 
church is his own sordid advantage. He is at heart in 
every way the opposite of Nathan. Nathan's relation to God 
is that of reverential, childlike love. He proves in his life 
and conduct an unfaltering trust in the wisdom and good- 
ness of God, a trust which, unlike DajVs blind faith, or the 
prelate's sanctimonious rascality, is not indeed content with 
flowery phrases, but is rational and contemplative, and yet 
humbly trusts without clear knowledge, wherever in the 
presence of the inscrutable ways of God the limits of human 
understanding forbid us to know. 

66. Apparently Nathan and Saladin are alike in many 
Nathan and ways : both equally generous, equally frugal, equally 
Saladin. humble before God and tolerant toward men of 
different persuasion. And yet in this instance, too, the 
likeness is almost purely external. The virtues of the Sul- 
tan are rather spontaneous expressions of a noble, but un- 
cultivated and untried natural inclination. Nathan's virtue 
is based on conviction, discernment, reasons, choice of the 
better. Regarding their generosity Al-Hafi distinguishes 
aptly, when he calls that of the Sultan prodigality ; that 
of Nathan wise charity whose barns are ever filled. Saladin 
gives without consideration or discretion : makes himself a 
carrion among vultures ; is, in spite of his inexhaustible 
resources, reduced to pinching poverty, and allows subjects 
not within the range of his sight to be taxed and drained 
to the marrow, in order that he may have the means of 
satisfying lavishly the wants of those whom he sees. At 
the bottom his liberality is little more than refined selfish- 
ness. Similarly the toleration of the two men is of an en- 
tirely different nature. If Saladin does not insist on all 
trees having the same bark, it is with him not so much 
the expression of deeply rooted conviction as of indiffer- 
ence. With Nathan, on the contrary, tolerance is the legi- 
timate result of the conviction that resignation to God's 



56 



NATHAN DER WEISE 



will, the essence of his religion, does in no way depend 
upon our opinion concerning God. (On the import of this 
opinion, this "Wahnen uber Gott" cf. the Notes to 1589). 
As one accepts coin at the value stamped on its face and 
deposits it in a bag, so Saladin would fain gather truth 
into his head without reflection or investigation as to its 
real worth. Nathan is aware of the futility of this attempt. 
He knows at what price he acquired his wisdom, his con- 
viction, his faith ; knows also how severely life can put 
them to the test. 

67. At first sight Sittah seems to reflect little light on 
Nathan and Nathan's character. And yet she too accentuates 
Sittah. one side of his being. Good and lovable in other 
respects, she manifests a slyness and cunning, which is too 
unscrupulous to be commendable. She herself admits her 
fault, when, though frankly owning her inclination to cun- 
ning and sophistry, she at the same time deems it neces- 
sary to excuse it by reminding Saladin that he is no better, 
inasmuch as he is merely ashamed of the fox who suggests 
stealthy, wily tricks, while he does not hesitate to turn the 
tricks to his account. In Nathan we find the same cun- 
ning duly tempered: He is "wise as a serpent and guile- 
less as a dove." Somewhat perplexed at the Sultan's 
question after truth, he wisely and cautiously clothes his 
answer in his famous parable, and he prudently restricts 
Saladin's encomium to the wise man who never conceals the 
truth, but cheerfully risks everything for it, by the con- 
dition : il Ja,ja, wenns no tig is/ und nulzt!" — Though 
he need not be ashamed before God or men of having 
been the good Samaritan for Recha, and though he did not 
deny to the Templar, nor conceal from any one else who 
needed to know that she was a Christian and only his 
foster child ; still he had found no one as yet whom he 
regarded entitled to the knowledge ; and even Recha knows 
nothing of her relation to him. — Anxious to become more 
intimately acquainted with the Templar, he is unwilling to 



INTRODUCTION 57 

reveal to the young knight the cause of his interest in his 
kinship. 

"Denn wenn ich sie ihm sag', tmd der Verdachi 

1st ohne Grand: so hao' ich gam umsonst 

Den Vater auf das Spiel gesetzt 

......... Ich bliebe Rechas Vater 

Doch gar zn gem!" 

Thus he manifests everywhere wise, unobjectionable pru- 
dence, usually aiming at the welfare of others rather than 
at his own ; nowhere does he, like Sittah, try to take ad- 
vantage of others. 

68. Toward his chess companion Nathan exhibits a 
Nathan and superior, self-conscious humor; but with playful 
ai Hafi. ease incidentally hints at momentous vital ques- 
tions, and if at any time the light-footed desert philoso- 
pher is inclined to respond, his words assume an appropriate 
seriousness. Thus in the famous, ever misinterpreted words : 

"Kein Mensch muss mils s en ; und ein Derwisch ?nusste ? 

Was 7iiuss? er denn P" It is the same playful tone in which 
he had been conversing with Al-Hafi. The dervish wants 
to be, above all things, free, uncramped by circumstances 
and the artificial relations of civilized men ; he had learned 
from Rousseau. On that account he is eager to resign his 
influential position at court, in which he has been obliged 
to do for others what he loathes from his inmost soul to 
do for himself. On the Ganges, where with bare feet and 
light heart he walks the burning sands together with his 
teachers, on the Ganges alone there are men. There no 
one knows of any constraint, but can take pleasure in act- 
ing from free choice : ''Kein Mensch muss miissen," least of 
all a dervish, who can without the least hesitation make 
up his mind to live for himself. This he has long since 
apprehended, and this fundamental tenet of his philosophy 
he no doubt often enough defended with all his extrava- 
gant one-sidedness against Nathan. In an unguarded mo- 
ment he now excuses himself for having accepted the 



58 



NATHAN DER WEISE 



hateful office at court with the words : " Zwar, wenn man 
muss!" And Nathan, discovering at once the exposure, 
cannot refrain from dealing a playful sarcastic thrust : 
"Kein Mensch muss mussen" has always been the Alpha 
and Omega of your philosophy, and now you mean to say 
that you have yielded to a constraint? "Ein Derwisch 
musste ? Was mussf er denn?" — "Warum man ihn recht 
bittet, und er fur gut erkennt ; das muss ein Derwisch." — 
This answer of Al-Hafi quite unexpectedly turns out to be 
so serious, and above all things so apt, that Nathan for a 
moment involuntarily abandons his playful tone, and with 
his whole heart answers: ll Bei unserm Gott! Da sagst du 
wahr. — Lass dich umarmen, Mensch. Du bist doch noch 
mein Freund?" As if the last question were to be an 
apology for having for a moment seemed to trifle with 
considerations so vital in their influence on human life and 
conduct. — Really the practical agreement in this matter is 
the foundation of their friendship. "Warum man ihn recht 
bittet, und er filr gut erkennt ; das muss ein Mensch" On 
this principle they agree ; they differ in the manner in 
which each makes his principle count in his life and con- 
duct. Al-Hafi sees the unreasonable and perverse in man 
and the world and is stimulated by it to flee the world 
and man, and to live a hermit's life. Nathan's eye is no 
less keen in this respect, but he is stimulated not to flight, 
but to action in the world. Whatever the dervish recog- 
nizes as good, that he feels bound to do ; but in order 
that he may not be bound to do something distasteful to 
his nature, he returns to the desert to a life of contem- 
plative ease. Nathan stands unflinchingly in the midst of 
life and does his duty without taking much thought of his 
own pleasure or advantage. 

69. Somewhat different is his relation to the good 
Nathan and fri ar - He too is " wise as a serpent, and harm- 
the Friar, less as a dove," and yet not in every sense. He 
is too closely bound by faith in authority to profess openly 



INTRODUCTION 59 

what he believes in his heart, and to repudiate openly the 
power of the patriarch who through his never changing 
villainy has forfeited every claim to obedience. He sees 
the wrong, to be sure, but is not able to draw from it the 
only legitimate conclusion. Patriarch and church are for 
him the means without which he can not reach heaven. 
Though he loathes their mandates, yet he feels in duty 
bound to render external obedience at least, and, foregoing 
all speculation in the matter, he really seems to consider 
this obedience a meritorious deed. None the less he longs 
incessantly for his quiet retreat on Mount Tabor, where he 
will have no other care than that for his eternal salvation. 
Thus we find in him too a resignation longing to escape 
from a world in which numberless ills and evils annoy and 
oppress him. Nathan, on the other hand, can not be dis- 
suaded by any human authority, or by the letter of the law 
from doing that which he considers good and right. He is 
a man whose conviction is a stimulus to courage and 
deeds. 

70. Looking at the Templar superficially, we should 
a hardly find in him a feature reminding us of 

Nathan and J © 

the Nathan. But Nathan detects at first sight: "Die 

Templar. Schale kann ?iur bitter sein, der Kern isfs sicker 
nicht." The Templar is young and impulsive: "IVer 
weiss, was wir an seiner StelV ; in seinem Alter ddchten!" 
In time he promises to be like Nathan in many ways, 
though probably always more rash, more inconsiderate, 
more violent, true in this respect to the traditions of the 
family, as they also assert themselves in Saladin and Assad. 
At least, he reflects upon himself and his relation to God 
and the world. And even his mistakes are of such a 
nature that with time and proper culture they may well 
be softened into virtues. With Nathan, this has been done. 
Life has smoothed the sharp, rough edges, and in the at- 
tractive, harmonious forms moral strength and beauty are 
blended. 



g NATHAN DER WEISE 

71. We have tried, in the preceding paragraphs, to gain 
an advantageous point of view from which to appreciate 
the various characters, and particularly Nathan's relation to 
them. We might now proceed to a consideration of the 
more external means by which our play commands our 
interest and our admiration. But it is better to appreciate 
beauty face to face than from a description. The work 
may speak for itself. However, a few objections have so 
frequently been raised to the plot and execution of the 
drama, that it seems but fair to consider them here. We 
need to gain a point of view in this respect also. 

72. Almost unanimously critics have found that Nathan 
Wantingin lacks in vividness of action. We can understand 
Action.* wn y this objection should be raised, and yet, all 

* It is suggestive to compare two utterances of Lessing in this 
connection. In his Dra?7iaturgie, L.-M. IX, 189, he says : "Die 
erste Tragodie, die den Namen einer christlichen verdient, durfte 
ohne Zweifel noch zu erwarten sein. Ich meine ein Stuck, in 
welchem einzig der Christ als Christ tins interessiert. — 1st ein solches 
Stuck aber auch wohl moglich ? 1st der Charakter des wahren 
Christen nicht etwa ganz untheatralisch? Streiten nicht etwa die 
stille Gelassenheit, did unverdnderliche Sanftmut, die 'seine wesent- 
lichsten Zilge sind, mit dem Geschdfte der Tragodie, welches Leiden- 
schaften durch Leidenschaften zu reinigen sucht ? Widerspricht 
nicht etwa seine Erwartung einer belohnenden Gluckseligkeit nach 
diesem Leben der Uneigenniltzigkeit, mit welcher wir alle grosse 
und gute Handlungen auf der Bilhne unternommen und vollzogen zu 
s ehen wiins chen ? ' ' 

4 Bis ein Werk des Genie s, von dem ?nan nur aus der Erfahrung 
lernen kann, wie viel Schwierigkeiten es zu ubersteigen ver??iag, diese 
Bedenklichkeiten unwidersprechlich widerlegt, ware also mein Rat : — 
man Hesse alle bisherige christliche Trauerspiele unaufgefilhrt." 

It seems almost as if Lessing had attempted to produce this Werk 
des Genies, and was thinking of these words of the Dramaturgic, 
when he wrote in a preface to Nathan: "Wenn man endlich sagen 
wird, dass ein Stuck von so eigener Tendenz nicht reich genug an eige- 
ner Schonheit sei; — so werde ich schweigen, aber mich nicht schamen. 
Ich bin mir eines Zieles bewusst, unter dem 7nan auch noch viel weitei 
mit alien Ehren bleiben darf." 



INTRODUCTION 6 1 

the circumstances considered, it is hardly justifiable. A 
man who, like Nathan, has in every way rounded his char- 
acter and so fully acquired the mastery of all his passions, 
cannot pursue a narrowed aim with wild, resistless im- 
petuosity. His goal is not a virtue, but virtue, and of 
virtue moderation is a part, if virtue is not, as Aristotle 
would have it, itself moderation. In a drama, where 
Nathan is to be the mam character, there can be no place 
for violent passion. The calm, quiet tenor of the play is 
wholly in keeping with the character of Nathan as the 
hero. 

73. It has further been objected that the poet who in 
c - his Dramaturgie passed such severe judgment upon 

Happen- miracles and all incidents looking at all like 
mgs ' chance should in his Nathan give such a wide 

range to this element. And it must be admitted that the 
charge is not entirely without foundation, though the points 
in question can to some extent be explained. We might 
bear in mind that in the creed of Nathan, as in that of 
Orsina in Emilia Galotti, nothing under the sun is to be re- 
garded as chance, that the word chance or accident is a 
blasphemy. But disregarding this, most of the events in 
Nathan that seem like chance are put into causal relation 
with fine acumen, . and are psychologically quite possible. 
That the Templar was pardoned is explained by his similar- 
ity to Saladin's lost brother, though the deed itself was 
born of mere impulse. The father of this Templar was a 
Mohammedan, joined in wedlock to a Christian lady, and 
he presented his children for Christian baptism. He was, 
moreover, in every way a loving and loveable nature, and 
it is not at all strange that this man as a Christian knight * 
should have repeatedly saved Nathan from the sword, and 

* His being a brother of Saladin, and a Christian knight at the 
same time, is the strangest part about him. But this, too, has its 
purpose : if it had been different, it would have been most natural to 
send Recha to Saladin, and not to Nathan. 



62 NATHAN DER WEISE 

should have learned to appreciate him as a Jew unlike 
most other Jews. There was ample ground for confidence 
and friendship between the two, and such a relation being 
established, it was but natural for the father, face to face 
with death, to intrust his little girl to the care of Nathan. 
All this seems quite plausible. But it seems rather far- 
fetched to make the dervish, that peculiar chess companion 
of Nathan, the private treasurer of the sultan, in. order to 
establish the connection between Nathan, Saladin, and 
Assad. And the pious, gentle recluse, the friar, is repre- 
sented as having been, some twenty years before, the squire 
of Recha's father, and is now a sort of factotum of the 
patriarch. It seems, indeed, as if chance were playing 
almost too prominent a part in all these intricacies. 

74. The chief objection has from the start been di- 
Recha rected against the relation between the Templar 

and the and Recha. As to the Templar's love for Recha 
Templar, there [ s no rQ om for doubt ; whether Recha re- 
turns his love is a matter of discussion. Certainly many 
things point in that direction ; Nathan thinks she does, so 
do Daja, the Templar, Sittah, and Saladin ; that is, all the 
persons with whom she comes into contact ; and we can 
not very well assume that all of them are quite blind. 
To be sure, her love is, particularly in its later stages, like 
the love of most of Lessing's women, something like Emilia 
Galotti's, cool and reserved ; possibly more that of a sister 
than that of a bride. We need not assume on that account 
that the 'voice of nature/ to which Rousseau would have 
us look for guidance, asserted itself in her. That would 
probably be more Rousseauic than Rousseau himself. At 
all events, the Templar loves Recha with all the ardor to 
be desired ; and it would have been an easy matter to in- 
tensify her love also sufficiently to remove all doubt as to 
its existence, granting there is room for doubt. Why then 
make them turn out brother and sister in the end ? An 
easy solution is to make this ending a punishment for the 



INTRODUCTION 6^ 

Templar's rashness and suspiciousness, as some have done. 
The Templar assures Nathan that by the exchange he 
gains rather than loses ; there can therefore be no question 
of punishment. But even disregarding this, the explan- 
ation, an outgrowth of the determined effort to find every- 
where the fateful "tragic guilt," is not worthy of serious 
consideration. Why, then, should the poet choose this ending 
after arousing our expectation of an entirely different one? 
He surely had a reason for his choice, for to end with a 
wedding would have been quite as easy. But would it also 
have satisfied the demands which the poet made on 
himself? 

a) Let us first try to explain psychologically the fact 
Psychoiog= that a lover suddenly finds in the lady who has 

ic-ai Expia= WQn j^-g a ff ec tions his own sister, and yet de- 
nation of J 
the Temp= clares that he gains rather than loses in the 

lar's Fina! exc han^e. — If we might be permitted, in this 

Attitude to °. i " ■ -' . i- , 

Recha. connection to take cognizance or the poet s 
own experience, we should remember that he wrote 
his Nathan at the time when he had just returned from 
the funeral of his wife. His only comfort was that life 
could not have many similar experiences in store for him. 
Might not Lessing, when he made the Templar value a sis- 
ter incomparably more than a wife, have remembered with 
sad heart his own short happiness and the maliciousness 
of fate, which after a short year robbed him of his wife and 
child ? Though Lessing himself never evinced any deep 
affection for his sister, it was not an unnatural feature in 
the Templar. In every way like his father, who like Sala- 
din, Sittah, and Lilla no doubt dearly loved his kin ; he only 
needed to follow a natural inclination to love Recha as his 
sister too. To be sure, fraternal love as well as love be- 
tween parent and child, on the origin of which the Temp- 
lar speculates, is ordinarily based less on blood relationship 
than on community of interest, mutual accommodation, and 
self-sacrifice of each for the other's welfare. And did the 



64 NATHAN DER WEISE 

Templar so much as know of the existence of this sister of 
his? His words : 

i i Ihr nehmt und gebt mir, Nathan ! 
Mit vollen Handen beides ! — Nein ! Ihr gebt 
Mir mehr als Ihr 7nir nehmt ! unendlich mehr!" 

these words, taken at their surface value, — and the 
Templar does not ordinarily mince matters, and make a 
virtue of necessity — are psychologically not easy to under- 
stand. But may we not assume that the Templar knew 
something of the existence of this sister in Palestine, as he 
also did of his relationship to Saladin? Might we not 
even imagine that an undefinable longing for his relatives 
turned his face to the Orient, when in his uncle, who had 
been his second father, he had lost his last relative in 
Germany? It would be by no means impossible, though 
it is not directly indicated in the play. With this assump- 
tion, and as far as I can see, thus only, the words of the 
Templar would find their explanation. The sister, from 
whom an untoward fate had been separating him all his 
life, and for whom he had learned to long all the more 
fervently in total isolation, this sister he could embrace with 
all ardor, even though he should meet her in the woman 
whom he had already learned to love. All the more, when he 
was perfectly aware that this love was not erotic, not based 
on outward charms, but rather on nobility of soul, on such 
qualities as only a Jew like Nathan was able to instil. 
Was it without aim and purpose that Lessing makes the 
Templar, in his long monologue (V. 3, 11. 3227 ff.) con- 
template and express himself upon the reason for his love 
for Recba? 

6) But all this would still be no reason for choosing 
The Nec= this ending, it would only make this ending 
essity for psychologically justifiable, not necessary. The 

Choosing r . " . . . . . . , ... 

this necessity 01 the choice lies in the idea which 

Ending. i s to be represented in the play : the complete 



I 



INTRODUCTION 65 

and unconditional acknowledgment of the virtue incarnate 
in Nathan, in spite of personal prejudice due to differences 
of creed. It will be necessary to make a little digression 
in order to be clear. 

1) The Templar had seemingly at first sight, when he 
Love at rescued Recha from the fire, been attracted to 
First Sight h er# j am aware that this is not the generally 

in Case _ . . . 

of the accepted opinion ; 1 am also aware that this 

Templar, affection would have to undergo a change, if 
later the Templar is to account for his love for Recha 
on the ground of superior qualities of heart and intellect, 
as just mentioned. And yet I cannot avoid this view. 
How else are the verses in 1. 766 ff., to be explained? 

" . Ich will von Euch an eine That 

Nicht fort und fort erinnert sein, bei der 

Ich nichts gedacht, die, wenn ich druber denke^ 

Zum Rdtsel von mir selbst mir wird. 

Des Madchens Bild 

1st langst aus meiner Seele, wenn es je 
Da war." 

The deed in itself certainly contained nothing at which a 
Templar, a knight, bound by vow and honor to come to 
the rescue of those in distress, would need to marvel. 
The marvel, the disquietude is due to the fact that the 
Templar, the Christian knight, who had of his own free choice 
pledged himself to celibacy, could not banish the image of 
the Jewess from his soul. Or should we take him at his 
word when he tells Daja, whose ready tongue he knows 
well enough, that Recha's image had long since disappeared 
from his soul? He knows, according to verse 3228 £, 
that heretofore they have been ready and even anxious to 
notice him under the palm trees near Nathan's house. 
Might not this very fact have been a reason for his being 
so fond of walking under these palms (V. 786), although 
he may have been unconscious of his motives ? Daja's in- 



66 NATHAN DER WEISE 

vitation he could not well accept, but if these little, com- 
paratively harmless attentions of the lady and her maid had 
really displeased him so much, would it have been impos- 
sible to find other palms in Jerusalem affording a prome- 
nade for the annoyed young knight? — Verses 1636 f., seem 
to oppose this view. 

" Das war das Mddchen nicht. 

Nein, nein, das war es nicht, das aus de??i Feuer 

Ich holte. — Denn wer hatte die gekannt 

Und aus dem Feuer nicht geholt, wer hatte 

Auf mich gewartet? Zwar — verstellt der Schreck" 

This seems to indicate that the real appreciation of Recha's 
charms dates from the Templar's second meeting with her. 
But could it not as well mean that the image of the 
maiden which he harbored in his soul is far excelled by 
the reality? That the Templar did indeed not until then 
learn fully to prize her? Just what he meant to say after 
his zwar — , we do not know, but the dash indicates clearly 
that verstellt der Schreck is only an afterthought, an attempt 
to mislead his hearers. — Above all things, we can also, 
with this assumption, understand his persistent refusal to 
accept Recha's expression of her gratitude, for w T hich we 
could otherwise assign no reason but senseless obstinacy. 
Not because he lacked all feeling and every vestige of 
courtesy did he refuse, but because he was still too thor- 
oughly a Templar to be ensnared by any woman, especially 
by a Jewess. Is not that what he means to say in his 
monologue, verses 2 1 1 1 f . : 

"Ihm auszubeugen war der Streich zu schnell 
Gef alien, tinier den zu kommen ich 
So lang und viel mich weigerte." 

Does it not seem as if he had with conscious self-restraint 
avoided the blow? That he was for this reason so little 
anxious to see her? If later, (1. 2724) he tells the Sultan 
that he had refused to reap thanks where he had not sown 



INTRODUCTION 67 

them, we must bear in mind that even then, after his 
second meeting with Recha, he was ashamed before the 
Sultan to confess his love for her. 

2) In this state of mind Nathan finds the Templar. 
HisFriend= His thanks are at first as rudely spurned as 
ship with Daia's. The religious prejudice of the Templar 

Nathan for . J _ ,. _ . & r J tt f 

Recha's 1S °* httle importance even now. He does 
Sake. not hate the Jews, but despises them on ac- 

count of their pride, — and, it is not to be overlooked, 
a pride which they transmitted to Christians and Moham- 
medans — insisting that their God is the only God. To 
be consistent, the Templar must also extend his contempt to 
Christian and Mohammedan. And he does so ; as he indi- 
cates when he expects that Nathan will be amazed because 
he, a Christian, a Templar, should confess to such views. 
But as soon as he detects in Nathan a kindred soul, a 
man, who in the ordinary sense of the word is no more a 
Jew than he himself is a Christian, he offers his friendship, 
and now burns with desire to know Recha. He sees her. 
And soon he is not satisfied with Nathan's friendship : he 
wants also to call him father, but undoubtedly only for 
Rechds sake. For when Nathan, for reasons unintelligible 
to the young knight, hesitates to accept him, his ardor to- 
ward Nathan suddenly abates : he sees in him a man 
tolerant in words only, a Jewish wolf, making philosophy 
his sheep's clothing; intends without much ado to put 
him to the knife ; would not be surprised if the Jew would 
foist a brother upon Recha, as he had done a father. 

3) Now, if in the face of all this Nathan once more 
Reverence P roves his nobility ; if now again, as in the 
of Nathan's great trial of his life, at Darun, he preserves in 

aracter. ^ Q midst of affliction his calmness, in the face 
of malice and slander, his love and forgiveness ; in short, if 
once more all the circumstances prove him to be not a 
mere babbler, but what he really is, — the Wise, the Good ; 
and if in consequence now the Templar asks him again to 



68 NATHAN DER WEISE 

remain Recha's father, and manifests in the tone of his 
words how much he too desires to be his child — now in 
a different relation — it is done this time not for Recha's 
sake, with whom any father might be an acceptable acces- 
sory, but for Nathans own sake, for the sake of the virtue 
for which he stands. 

c) And this, it seems to me, is the reason for the 
Objections P ecu ^ ar relationship between Recha and the 
to the Templar. Another explanation has found con- 

AiiToricai siderable favor, by which the ending is interpreted 
interpreta= allegorically. The family which was separated 
tion. by religious prejudice, intolerance, is said to 

be united again by the humane liberality of Nathan and the 
other characters concerned. The family is to represent the 
whole human race, separated by creeds, united by creed- 
less, ethical, natural religion. But several considerations 
militate against the view. There is nothing in the char- 
acters as we have them to necessitate any separation of the 
family in the first place. Saladin and his sisters, as well 
as Assad, if liberal enough to unite, were also liberal enough 
not to separate on account of differences of creed. But if 
we accept the separation as an accomplished fact, the fam- 
ily circle would have been as much established through a 
wedding as through a recognition, and, besides, there would 
have been an excellent opportunity to exemplify Saladin's 
and Sittah's liberal ideas about marriage between members 
of different creeds. Finally it seems forced to interpret 
the ending allegorically, as representative of the relations 
and hopes of races and creeds. 

75. Now we can understand the Templar's position. 
The Final You give me more than you take from me — he 
Harmony, means to say — infinitely more, — the sister for 
whom I had been longing in my hours of isolation ; you 
restore to me my father, who called you his friend ere I 
was born, and made you father of my sister; you were his 
most trusted friend on earth, and are most fit to meet him 



INTRODUCTION 69 

in his heaven. — More than that. Nathan restores to the 
Templar his own self, his peace of mind, an unsullied 
conscience. For who could not detect from the long 
argumentation, the sophistical pros and cons regarding the 
right which he thinks he has to Recha (1. 2130 flf.)., in 
spite of his being a Templar, that in his inmost soul he still 
feels bound by his vow to celibacy? Though wedlock 
with Recha would be "a falling with men" ("mi/ Mannern 
fallen"}, a fall it would be none the less. This too can 
now be obviated. He need not live without Recha : she 
is bound to him by sacred ties ; and the charms of other 
women with their fascination for other men had ever been 
lost on him. He remains what he has ever been, and 
pledged his honor to be, — a Christian, a Templar, — of a 
peculiar kind, to be sure, as Nathan continues to be a 
Jew, whom the pious friar would welcome as a brother in 
his Lord ; and as Saladin remains a Mohammedan. As a 
professed Christian, though merely in name, he chooses of 
his own free will, without ulterior motives, the Jew as his 
father, for the sake of his virtue alone ; as a Christian, he 
remains the nephew of Saladin and Sittah. To these he 
is bound by the ties of blood, to Nathan with bonds woven 
by virtue and nobility of soul, to Recha by both. 

In conclusion a few lines from Tilthey's biography of 
Schleiermacher, p. 59: " Nathan entstand. Wer ihn las, der 
empfand nicht nur um sich, unsichtbar, den A tern der neuen 
Zeit ; er lernte sie begreifen, ja lernte ihr Miibilrger zu sein. 
In diesem Menschen ist der Gedanke der Aufkldrimg zur voll- 
endelen Schbnheit verklart. Und um ihn ist eine dichteri- 
sche Welt gebildei, in welcher, was Lessing in bittreni, un- 
verstandigem Kampfe sah, tiefverstehend eins das andere auf 
Grund der hochsten sittlichen Ideen, geschwisterlich heiter, 
sich die Hdnde reicht" 



70 NATHAN DER WEISE 



III. THE SOURCES OF NATHAN. 

76. Just a word remains to be said about the sources 
of Nathan. The origin of the parable has been mentioned. 
The data concerning the history of the time, and especially 
concerning Saladin, Lessing found largely in Marin's History 
of Saladin. — Two other novels, or stories, from Boccaccio 
are supposed to have furnished, besides the name Nathan, 
who might, however, also be a namesake of the prophet, 
some details, namely Decamerone X, 3, and V, 5. The 
resemblance seems less striking. (Erich Schmidt, II, 349 f., 
gives the content of the stories.) — The enthusiasm with 
which Marin describes Saladin and his position in the 
crusades had been kindled by Voltaire's writings. Traces 
of some influence exercised by Voltaire's Le fanatisme ou 
Mahomet le prophete, his Zaire, and his Les Guebres, ou la 
tolerance have been found in Nathan. 



IV. HISTORICAL FOUNDATION. 

77. It needs hardly to be mentioned that Lessing was 
summary wholly independent in the use of these sources, 
of the His= anc [ managed historical dates and events also with 

torica! Sit= . . . . . . , 

uation as= tne sovereignty unquestionably belonging to the 
sumed in dramatist. He himself says: "Regarding the his- 
ay ' torical facts lying at the basis of the drama, I 
have quite disregarded all chronology, and have even made 
use of the names quite as it best suited my purpose." 

The nearest we can get to the date of the play is the 
year 1192; the place, Jerusalem. — The Christian Kingdom 
of Jerusalem had been established in the year 1100 by 
Baldwin I., a brother of the pious Godfrey of Bouillon who 
had been too humble to wear a crown during his life, 



INTRODUCTION 



71 



though valiant enough to conquer and protect the Holy 
Sepulcher. But the kingdom was not of long duration. 
The conquerors were jealous of each other; the enihusiasm 
of European knights had to some extent subsided; the 
orders of the Knights of St. John and of the Templars were, 
partly owing to their increasing worldliness and consequent 
moral decadence, unable at length to prevent the gradual 
decay of the state. In the year 114 6 Sultan Nureddin had 
conquered Edessa, the bulwark of the Christian empire in 
the East, and forty years later Jerusalem itself was engulfed 
in the ruin. 

"While the Christian occupants were giving themselves 
up more and more to the softening influences of the cli- 
mate and the loosened responsibilities of life far away from 
their proper homes, the Mohammedan power in the South 
had been gaining a new impulse from the career of the 
most remarkable leader of the whole crusading period. 
Saladin was the subordinate governor of Egypt under the 
rule of the Turks in Asia, but through personal talent and 
ambition rose to the practically independent control of the 
whole of Syria as well. His personal uprightness of char- 
acter, his devotion to his cause and his cultivation of learn- 
ing and the arts of life stand out in favorable contrast to 
the barbarism of most of the leading princes of the crusad- 
ing army. His policy seems to have been at first to get on 
with the Christian occupants, if possible, by treating with 
them on equal terms, and allowing them liberty to main- 
tain their settlement, if they would in turn let him alone. 
This reasonable policy was, however, in direct contrast to 
the intolerant spirit of the crusaders. Repeated treaties were 
violated with impunity by individual Christians, who in the 
year 11 78 won their last victory over the formidable enemy 
in the battle of Ramla, near Ascalon, and thus postponed 
the fall of Jerusalem by the space of a few years. — In 
this battle the Christian knight Wolf von Filnek, represented 
to be Saladin's brother Assad, of whom history knows 



7 2 



NATHAN DER WEISE 



nothing, however, finds his death. — At last, in despair of 
keeping the peace on these terms, Saladin sounded the 
crusading note among the excited Mohammedan population 
of Syria and Egypt. The result was a fair and open fight 
near Tiberias, in which the Christian army was totally de- 
feated, and the king and the chief leaders captured. The 
power of life and death was in Saladin's hands, but he 
used it only against those who had openly violated their faith 
with him. " Among them were many of the Templars. On 
the third of October 1187, Saladin marched in triumph into 
Jerusalem. The symbols of Christianity disappeared, but 
the Christians themselves and the pilgrims from Europe 
were treated kindly — quite in contrast with the example 
they had given on previous occasions. The office of the 
Patriarch of Jerusalem was henceforth vacant — contrary to 
our play. 

The news of the fall of Jerusalem kindled anew the cru- 
sading zeal of all Europe. Frederic Barbarossa, Philip 
August II. of France, and Richard the Lion-hearted started 
each on a new expedition. Frederic had successfully led 
his army, after the customary battles and adventures on 
the way with their attendant losses, to the boundaries of 
Syria, when on the tenth of June 11 90 he lost his life in 
the endeavor to cross the Saleph river in Cilicia. Here 
Daja's husband, one of the many knights attempting a res- 
cue, was drowned also. As Daja, according to her account, 
accompanied her husband, she could hardly have reached 
Jerusalem before the end of 11 90, and could at the time 
of our play not have been Recha's nurse for more than a 
year or two, which, again, does not agree with other state- 
ments. 

The remnants of Frederic's army were led on to Pales- 
tine by his son Frederic of Suabia and Leopold of Austria. 
They joined the dethroned king Guido de Lusignan, who 
after having been released from his imprisonment by the 
magnanimity of Saladin, was besieging Ptolemais (or Acre). 



INTRODUCTION 73 

Richard and Philip reenforced them and Acre was won. 
Richard particularly distinguished himself, and his fame 
spread throughout the Orient, but at the same vime en- 
kindled the jealousy of the allies who withdrew with their 
troops and started on the homeward march. Richard and 
Saladin mutually respected and esteemed each other, and 
soon a truce was made (verse 647 f.). Indeed, projects 
of a union between Saladin's brother Malek el Adel (Les- 
sing's Melek) with Richard's sister, the widow of William 
of Sicily, were fostered. The prospective marriage between 
Sittah and a brother of Richard is an invention of the poet. 

While these negotiations are under way, our play opens. 
An attack of the Templars upon the fortress of Tebnin 
had just been repulsed by Saladin. As Philip had returned, 
and there was no Patriarch of Jerusalem, the negotiations 
going on between them, according to verses 670 ff., are 
unhistorical. — Also Saladin's father as treasurer (verse 403) 
is unknown to history. 

The presentiments of death which Saladin entertains in 
our play (2635 and 3175), were soon fulfilled. He died 
the third day of May 1193, loved by his friends and his 
people, respected, and even idealized by his foes. 



Hainan ber tDetfe. 



<£in bramattfcfyes ©ebicfyt 
in fiinf 2tuf3ugcn. 



Introite, nam et hie dii sunt! 

— Apud Gellium. 



Don 
iottfyolb Cpfyraim £efftng, 

1779. 



75 



perfonen* 



Sultan Salabin. 

Stttal}, beffert Sd?tt>efter. 

Hainan, ein reiser 3ube * n 3erufalem. 

Hed^a, beffen angenommene Colter. 

Da\a, eine (Efyriftin, aber in bem ^aufe bes 3 u & en / <*ls <SefelI= 

fcfyafterin ber Hecfya. 
(Ein junker £em$>elt}ert\ 
(Ein XJerttnfcfy* 

Der patriarch t>on 3erufalem* 
(Ein 2Uofterbrui>er* 
(Etn (Emir nebft t>erfd?iebenen 2ttatnelucfen bes Salabin. 

ZHe Scene ift in 3erufalem. 



76 



(Erftet 2luf?ug* 

(£rfter Jluftrttt. 

(Scene: ^lur in Hatfyans £?aufe.) 

Hat t\ an von ber Hetfe fommenb. Dai a tfym entgegen. 

€r ift es ! Hatfyan ! — <8ott fei ettng Danf, 
X)a^ 3l?r bod? enblid? einmal tmeberfommt 

Hainan* 

3a, Daja; <3ott fei Danf I Dod? roarum enbltd}? 

£)ab' id? benn efyer ttneberfommen toollen? 
5 Unb ttneberfommen fonnen? Babylon 

3ft von 3 er ufalem, tx>ie id) bzn IDeg, 

Seitab balb recbts, balb linfs, 3U nefymen bin 

(Benotigt toorben, gut sroeifyunbert ZTTeilen; 

Unb Scfyulben etnfaffteren, ift genrif 
10 2ludj fein (5efd)dft, has merfltd} forbert, bas 

So Don ber f}anb fid? fcblagen laf t. 



IDie elenb, elenb fydttet 3*? r inbes 
I}ier toerben fonnen ! (£uer f^aus 



© Hatfyan, 



Das brannte. 
So fyaV idj fcfyon t)ernommen* — (Bebe (Sott, 
I5 Daf id? nur alles fdjon t>ernommen kabzl 

77 



78 Hatfyan bcr IDeife. 

Unb tr>are leid?t t)on (Brunb aus abgebrannt 

Hainan* 

Darin, Daja, fatten ttnr ein neues uns 
(Sebaut; unb etn bequemeres* 

Sd?on tc>af?r ! — 
Dod? Red) a wax bet einem £?aare mit 
20 Derbrannt- 

Hainan* 

Perbrannt? H)er? metne Kedja? fte? — 
Das t?ab' id? nid?t gefyort — Hun bann! So f?dtte 
3d? feines £?aufes mef?r beburfh — Derbrannt 
Bet etnem £)aare ! — £)a ! fte ift es tr>ot?[ ! 
3ft tDtrfltd? rooljl rerbrannt! — Sag' nur t?erausl 
25 £?eraus nur! — tIote mid?: unb martre mid? 
XIid?t langer* — 3 a / fi e ift t>erbrannt 

IDen'n fte 
(£s tpdre, tourbet 3^ r von mir es fyoren? 

Hainan. 

IDarum erfd?redeft bu mid? benn? — (D Hed?ai 
(D meine Utd)a\ 

(£ure? (£ure Ked?a? 

3 olDenn id? mid? ttneber je enttr>of?nen mufte, 
Dies Kinb mein Kinb 3U nennen ! 

Icennt 3*? r a ^s, 



Viatfyan ber It)etfe. 79 

Was 3f? r beft^t, mit eben fo Dtel Hedjte 
Das (£ure? 

Hainan* 

Ziidfts mit grcf erm ! 2IUes, toas 
3d? fonft befiije, fyat Hatur unb (Bliicf 
35 IHir $ugeteilt Dies (£igentum allein 
Danf id) ber Cugenb* 

(D toie teuer laft 
3fyr Sure (Siite, Icattjan, mid? besablen ! 
IDenn ©fit', in folder Ztbftdjt ausgeiibt, 
Ziodj ©iite fyeifen fann! 

Haitian. 

3n foldjer 2tbftd?t? 
40 3^ tpeldjer? 

2T£em ©etoiffen . . ♦ 



natfyan. 

Dor alien Dingen bir ersdfylen ♦ 

d5ett)iffen, fag' id? ♦ . . 



Daja, laf 



2Ttein 



Hatfyxru 

IDas in Babylon 
^fir einen fdjonen Stoff idj bir gefauft 
So reicfy, unb mit (£>efd?macf fo reicfy ! 3d? bringe 
45 ^iir Ucd)a felbft laum einen fd?onern mit 

Data* 

IDas fyilft's? Denn mein ©eroiffen, muf id} (Eud) 
Icur fagen, laft fid) Idnger nicfyt betduben* 



80 Hatl^an ber tt)etfe. 

Haitian. 

Unb rote Me Spangen, trie Me (Dfyrgefyenfe, 
XPie King unb Kette Mr gefalien trerben, 
50 Die in Damascus id} bir ausgefudjt: 
Derlanget mid} 5U fefyn. 

So fetb 3t}r nun! 
H)enn 3*? r nur fdjenfen fount! nur fcfyenfen fount ! 

Xcimm bu fo gem, als idj bir get)': — unb fdjroeig! 

Unb fd?tt>eig! — IDer 3tr>eifelt, Hatfjan, ba$ 3^ r tiic^t 

55 Die (£fyrlid}feit, bie (Srofmut felber feib? 
Unb bod? ♦ ♦ . 

Dodj bin id} nur ein 3 u ^ e - — &dt, 
Das toillft bu fagen? 

Daja, 

H)as id} fagen ttnll, ■ 
Das tr>i§t 3^ r MT er « 

Hainan. 

Hun fo fdjtpeig! 

3a\a. 

3d? fdjmeige* 
XDas Strdflidjes t>or <Sott fyierbei gefcfyiefyt, 
60 Unb id} nid}t fyinbern faun, nicfyt dnbern faun, — 
Xiid}t faun, — fomm' uber (£udjl 

Haitian. 

Komm' uber mid) ! — 
ZDo aber ift fie bznn? wo bleibt fie? — Daja, 
IDenn bu midj fyintergetjft I — XDeif fie es benn, 
Daf id} gefommen bin? 



Zlatlian ber tPetfe. 81 

Da\a. 

Das frag' id? (£ud? 1 
6 5 Hod) 3tttert if?r ber Scared burd? jebe Hert>e* 
Hod? malet ^euer ifyre Pfyantafie 
<gu allem, was fie malt 3 m Sdjlafe wddft, 
3m H)ad?en fd?ldft it?r (Seift: balb roeniger 
2lls Cier, balb mef?r als (Engel. 

Hainan, 

2trmes Kinb ! 
70 H)as finb toir 2TTenfd?en ! 

Diefen ZHorgen lag 
5ie lange mit t>erfd?lofnem 2Iug', unb tr>ar 
IDie tot. Sdjnell fuf?r fie auf, unb rief: „§ovd)l fyord}! 
Da fommen bie Kamele meines Paters t 
l}ord?! feine fanfte Stimme felbft!" — 3 n ^ em 

75 Brad? fid? it?r 2tuge ttneber: unb it?r ^aupt, 
Dem feines 2trmes StiHje ftd? ent3og, 
Sturst' auf bas Kiffen. — 3^?/ 3 ur Pfort' t?inaus ! 
Unb fiel? : ba fommt 3^ r u)at?rlid? I f ommt 3*? r 

a>al?rltd? ! — 
IDas tDunber! il?re gan3e Seele roar 

80 Die <§eit l?er nur bei (£ud? — unb ifynt, — 

nattian. 

Bei ii?m? 
Bei tr>eld?em 3*?™? 

Bei if?m, ber aus bem ^euer 
Sie rettete. 

IDer roar bas? tr»er? — ZDo ift er? 
XDer rettete mir meine &td}a? tper? 



82 Uattian ber IDetfe. 

(£in junger tTempelfyerr, ben, toenig Cage 
85 <5ut>or, man t?ier gefangen eingebracfyt, 
Unb Salabin begnabigt fyatte. 

Hainan* 

IDte? 
(Ein Cempelfyerr, bem Sultan Salabin 
Das £eben lief? burd? etn gehng'res IPunber 
Wat Rtfya ntdfyt 3U retten? <£>ott! 

CDfyn' tfyn, 
qo Der fetnen unrermuteten (Betxrinft 
^rifcfy uneber ruagte, tr>ar es aus mit ifyr, 

Hainan, 

tDo tft er, Daja, btefer eble ZITann? — 
tDo tft er? ^iifyre mid} 511 fetnen ^ufen. 
3fyr gabt ifym bocfy furs erfte, was an Scfya^en 
953^ €ud) gelaffen fyatte? gabt ifym alles? 
Derfpracfyt tfym mefyr? toett mefyr? 

TD'w fonnten txnr? 
Ziatiian. 

retort? rttc^t? 

(Er fam, unb ntemanb roeif tpofyer. 
<£r gtng, unb ntemanb toeif toofyin. — (Dl)ri alle 
Des £}aufes Kunbfdjaft, nur von feinem (Dfyr 

!oo (Seleitet, brang, mit t>orgefprei3tem ZHantel, 

(£r ftifyn burcfy ^lamm' unb Hand) ber Stimme nadj, 
Die uns urn f}iilfe rtef. Sdjon fyielten roir 
3fyn fur Derloren, als aus 2£aucfy unb ^lamme 
ZHit eins er r>or uns ftanb, tm ftarfen 2lrm 

io 5 (£mpor fie tragenb* Kalt unb ungeriifyrt 



Hainan ber Wex\e. 83 

X?om 3 au d?3en unfers Danfs, feijt feine Beute 
(Er niebcr, brdngt fid} unters Dolf unb ift — 
Derfdjumnben 1 

Hainan* 

Hid}t auf immer, toil! id} fyoffen. 

Hacfyfyer bie erfteu Cage fafyen tr>ir 
no3f?n untern Palmcn auf unb nieber toanbeln, 
Die bort bes 2Iuferftanbnen (5rab umfdjatten* 
3d? nafyte mid? ibm mit (£nt3ucfen, banfte, 
(Erfyob, entbot, befd}tt>or, — nur einmal nod? 
Die fromme Kreatur ju fefyen, bie 
n 5 Hid}t rufyert fonne, bis fie ifyren Danf 
<gu feirxen ^iifen ausgetoeinet 

Haitian. 

Hun? 
&a\a. 

Umfonft! (Er roar 311 unfrer Bitte taub; 

Unb gof fo bittern Spott auf mid} befonbers . • . 

Hainan. 

Bis baburd} abgefdjrecft . . . 

Da\a. 

Hid}ts toeniger! 

120 3d? trat ifyn jeben Cag von neuem an; 
£ief jeben Cag von neuem mid} rerfyofynen, 
IDas litt id} nid}t von ifym ! XDas tjdtt' id} nidjt 
Hod} gern ertragenl — 2lber lange fd}on 
Kommt er nid}t mefyr, bie Palmen 3U befudjen, 

225 Die unfers 2tuferftanbnen (Srab umfdjatten; 
Unb niemanb tr>ei§, xvo er geblieben ift — 
3fyr ftaunt? 3*? r jtnnt? 



84 tlatfjan bet rDeife. 

Viattyan. 

3d} iiberbenfe mir, 
VOas bas auf einen (Seift, tt>ie Sedjas, toofyl 
^iir (£inbrud? madden muf . Sid} fo t>erfd}mdl}t 

i 3 o Von bem 3U finben, ben man I}od}3ufd}di§en 
Sid} fo ge3ttmngen fiifylt; fo tr>eggeftofen, 
Unb bod} fo ange3ogen toerben; — traun, 
Da miiffen f}er3 unb Kopf fid} lange 3anfen, 
(Db ZTTenfdjenfyaf, ob Sdjtrermut ftegen foil. 

135 ©ft fiegt aud} feines; unb bie pfyantafie, 

Die in bzn Streit fid} mengt, mad}t SdjtDdrmer, 
Bei toeldjen balb ber 2(opf bas f}er3, unb balb 
Das f}er3 b^n Kopf muf fpielen* — Sd}limmer tlaufcfy t — 
Das le^tere, rerfenn' id} Ked}a ntd}t 

140 3ft £ed}as ^all: fie fd}tt>drmt 



T>a\a. 



So liebenstrmrbig ! 



2tllein fo fromm, 



Hainan. 

3ft bod} aud} gefdjtoarmt ! 



Dornefymlid} eine — (grille, roenn 3*? r n>ollt, 
3ft ifyr fefyr toert. <£s fei ifyr tEempelfyerr 
Kein 3 r ^ifd?er unb f eines 3 r ^ifd}en ; 

145 Der (£ngel einer, beren Sdjutje fid} 

3f}r fleines i}er3, t>on Kinbfyeit auf, fo gem 
Dertrauet glaubte, fei aus feiner IDolfe, 
3n bie er fonft perfytillt, aud} nod} im ^euer ; 
Urn fie gefd}toebt, mit eins als tTempelfyerr 

150 f}ert>orgetreten* — £dd}elt nidjt ! — IDer toeif ! 
£aft ldd}elnb tr>enigftens ifyr einen IDafyn, 
3n bem fid} 3ub' unb Ctjrift unb ITtufelmann 
Pereinigen; — fo einen fiifen XDafynl 



Hattfan ber IDeife 85 

Hainan. 

2tud? mir fo fug! — (Set?, toacfre Daja, gel?; 
issSiel?, was fie mad?t; ob id? fte fpred?en fann. — 

Sobann fuel?' id? ben rotlben, launigen 

Sd?ut$engel auf. Unb tuenn tf?m nod? beliebt, 

f}ienieben unter uns 311 toallen; nod? 

Beliebt, fo ungeftttet Hitterfd?aft 
160 ^u treiben: finb' id? ifyn gettnf ; unb bring' 

Daia* 
3fy* unternel?met r>ieL 

Haitian. 

2Tfad?t bann 
Der ffi§e tDafyrt ber ftifern IDa^rfyeit piafe: — 
Denn, Daja, glaube mtr; bem 2T£enfd?en ift 
(£in UTenfd? nod? immer lieber, als ein (£ngel — 
165 So txrirft bu bod) auf mid?, auf mid? nid?t siirnen, 
Die (£ngelfd?tpdrmerin gefyeilt 3U fet?n? 

3fyr feib fo gut, unb feib 3ugleid? fo fd?limm ! 

3d? get? 1 ! — Dod? t?ort ! bod) fef?t ! — Da f ommt fte felbft 



<5tr>etter 2luftritt* 
Hecfya, unb bie Dortgett. 

So feib 3^ r es bed) 9 an 5 un ^ 9 ar r me * n better? 
170 3d? glaubt', 3^? r fyattei (£ure Stimme nur 

t)orausgefd?icft VOo bleibt 3^ r ? &) as fur Serge, 
^tir IDtiften, was fur Strome trennen uns 
Denn nod?? 3^ r cttmct IDanb an JDanb mit tfyr, 
Unb eilt nid?t, (£ure Jledja 3U umarmen? 



86 Zlatlian ber IPeife 

175 Die arme &zd)a, bie tubes rerbrannte ! — 

^aft, faft t>erbranntel ^aft nur. Scfyaubert nid^t ! 
€s ift ein garff ger Cob, rerbrennen* (D I 

Hainan* 

ITEein Kinb ! mein Hebes Kinb ! 

Hecfyu 

3^? r muftet iiber 
X)en (Eupfyrat, Cigris, 3 0r ^ an 5 ti£> er — wer 

xSoXDeif toas fur IDaffer all? — IDie oft l)aV id} 
Urn (Eudj gejittert, efy' bas ^euer mir 
So nafye taml Denn feit bas ^euer mir 
So nafye fam: biinft mid? im IDaffer fterben 
(Erquicfung, £abfal, Kettung. — Dod? 3*? r f e ^ 

185 3 a nicfyt ertrunfen : id}, id? bin ja nicfyt 

Perbrannt ZDie tpollen trir urrs freu'n, unb (Boti, 
(Bott lobenl <£r, er trug (£ud? unb ben Hadjen 
2tuf ^li'igeln feiner unfi djtbaren (Engel 
Die ungetreuen Strom' fyiniiber, (Er, 

190 <£r toinfte meinem (Engel, ba% er fidjtbat 
2tuf feinem toeif en ^ittidje, mid} burdfy 
Das ^euer truge — 

Haitian. 

(ZDeifem ^ittidjel 
3a, ja ! ber roei^e t>orgefpreiste XTtantel 
Des tEempelfyerrn*) 

Hedja* 

(Er ftcfytbar, ftd^tbar mid? 
i 95 Durcfys ^euer trug', von feinem ^ittidje 
VtvwihfL — 3^ a tf°r itf? h a ^ einen (Engel 
t)on 2lngefid)t 5U 2tngeftdjt gefefyn; 
Unb mein en (Engel. 



Zlatftan ber IPetfe. 87 

Viartian. 

Hecfya tt>dr' es tr>ert; 
Unb ttmrb' an ifym nidjts Sdjon'res fefyn, als er 

csooiln ifyr. 

Hectja (lad?elnb). 

IDem fdjmeic^elt 3^ r / Tmift Paler? roem? 
Z)em (Engel, ober (Eucfy? 

Hainan, 

Dod? fydtt' and) nur 
(Etn XTTenfd) — ein ZHenfcfy, rote bie Hatur fie tdglidj 
(Setodfyrt, bir biefen Dienft er3etgt: er tnflfto 
$ixv bid) etn (Engel fein. (Er muff unb toiirbe* 

205 Xcidjt fo etn (Engel; netn ! etn txrirf licfyer; 
(Es roar getr>if etn toirflicfyer! — fjabt 3^ r > 
3f?r felbft bie ZTtogltc^feit, ba% (Engel finb, 
Daf <8ott 311m Beften berer, bte ifyn lieben, 
2lucfy IDunber fonne tfyun, mid) nid)t gelefyrt? 

210 3^? Iteb* tfyn ja. 

Hainan* 

Unb er liebt bid?; unb tfyut 
$iix bid), unb beinesgletcben, ftunblidj JDunber; 
3a, tjat fie fdjon son aller (Etoigfeit 
^iir eud} getfyan* 

Das fyor' id? gem* 

Haitian. 

Wk? tDetl 

(Es gan3 natiirlidj, gan3 alltdgltdj flange, 

215 IDenn bid) etn eigentlicfyer tEempelfyerr 

(Berettet fatter follt' es barum tr>emger 

(£in IPunber fein? — Z)er XDunber fyocfyftes ift, 



88 Zlathan ber IPeife. 

Daf uns bie roafyren, ecfyten IDunber fo 
2Ultdglid) toerben fonnen, roerben follen. 
220 £)fyn' biefes allgemeine IDunber, fydtte 
(£in Denfenber rootjl fdjtperlid) IDunber je 
(Senannt, tr>as Kinbern blog fo fyeifen miifte, 
Die gaffenb nur bas Ungetpofynlidjfte, 
Das XTeufie nur t>erfoIgen- 

&a\a (3U rcatfym). 

IDolit 3Ijr benn 

225 3fyr obnebem fdjon iiberfpanntes ^irn 

Durcfy fold)erlei Subtilitdten gan3 

<5erfprengen ? 

Viattyan. 

£af mid) I — Zlteiner %td)<x wax 9 
€s tDunbers nidjt genug, baf fie ein ZHenfd) 
(Berettet, roelctjen felbft fein Hemes IDunber 

23 o(£rft retten mfiffen? 3a, fein fletnes IDunber I 
Denn tr>er fyat fdjon gefyort, ba% Salabin 
3e eines tEempelfyerrn rerfdjont? Daf je 
(£in Cempelfyerr t>on ifym rerfcfyont 3U roerben 
Derlangt? gefyofft? ifym je fur feine ^reifyeit 

2 35 2Tte^r als bzn lebern (Burt geboten, ber 

Sein €ifen fdjleppt; unb l?od?ftens feinen Doldj? 

Das fdjlief t fiir mid}, mein Pater. — Darum eben 
IDar bas fein tEempelfyerr; er fdjien es nur. — 
Kommt fein gefangner Cempelfyerr je anbevs 
2 4 o2lls 3um getoiffen 'Globe nad) ^tvufahm; 
(Befyt feiner in ^tvuiakm fo frei 
limber: roie fydtte mid) bes Xcacfyts freitxnllig 
Denn einer retten fonmn? 

Hainan. 

Siefy ! trie finnreicfy* 



Hainan berXPeife. 89 

3e£t, Daja, nimm bas ZDort. 3d? fy<*&' es i<* 
245 P on bit, 6af er gefangen t?ergefd?icft 

3ft toorben, (Df?ne ^tpetfel tr>eift 5u mef?r* 

Hun ja* — So fagt man freilid? ; — bod} man fagt 
(gugleid?, baf Salabtn ben Cempelfyerrn 
Begnabigt, tr>etl er feiner Bruber einem, 

250 Den er befonbers lieb gefyabt, fo dfynlid? fefye. 
Qod) ba es t>iele 3roan3ig 3 a ^? re ^ er / 
Daf biefer Bruber nid?t mefyr lebt, — er t?ief , 
3d? toeif nid?t rote; — er blieb, id? roeif nid?t too: — 
So flingt bas ja fo gar — fo gar unglaubltd?, 

255 Daf an ber gan3en Sad\t roof?l nid?ts tft. 

Hainan. 

(£t, Daja ! IDarum mare b^nn bas fo 

Unglaublid? ? Dod? roof?l nid?t — rote's rootjl gefd?ief?t — 

Urn lieber etroas nod? Unglaublid?ers 

<gu glauben? — IDarum f?dtte Salabin, 

260 Der fein (Befd?u)ifter insgefamt fo liebt, 
3n jiingern 3 a ^ ren ctnen Bruber nid?t 
Xlod} gan3 befonbers lieben fonnen? — Pflegen 
Sid? 3tr>et <£>efid?ter nid?t 3U dt?neln? — 3ft 
(£in alter (£inbrucf ein t>erlorener? — IDirft 

265 Das ndmlidje nid?t mef?r bas ndmlid?e? — 

Sett roann? — Wo ftecft f?ter bas Unglaublid?e? — 
(£i freiltc£>, roeife Daja, roar's fur bid? 
Kein IDunber mef?r; unb beine IDunber nur 
Bebiirf . . . rerbienen, trnll id) fagen, (Blauben. 

vo 3*? r fpottet. 

IDeil bu meiner fpotteft. — Dod? 
2tud? fo nod) f &zd}a, bleibet beine Settung 



90 XI at 1} an be r VO etfe. 

(Etn IDunber, bem nur moglid?, ber bie ftrengften 
(Entfdjluffe, bie unbdnbigften (Entiourfe 
Der Kontge, fein Spiel — toenn nid?t fein Spott — 
275 <3ern an ben fd?tr>dd?ften ^dben lenft 

Kedja* 

2Ttein Pater! 

ITtein Pater, roenn id} irr', 3^ r totft, id? irre 

Iciest gem. 

Hainan, 

Dielmefyr, bu laf t bid? gern belef?ren* — 

Siet?! eine Stirn, fo ober fo getr>dlbt; 

Der Hiiden einer Hafe, fo t>ielmet?r 
280 2tls fo gefufyret; Ztugenbrauen, bie 

2luf einem fd?arfen ober ftumpfen Knod?en 

So ober fo fid} fd?ldngeln; eine £inie, 

(£in Bug, ein IDinfel, eine ^alt 1 , ein TTial, 

(£in Xcid?ts, auf etnes rotlben (Europders 
285 ©efidjt: — unb bu entfommft bem ^eu'r, in 2lften! 

Das roar' fein IDunber, trmnberfiicfytges Volt? 

XParum bemiifyt if?r benn nod? einen (Engel? 

3aia. 

Vdas fd?abet's — Zcatfyan, roenn id? fpred?en barf — 
Bei allebem, t>on einem (Engel lieber 
2 9 o2tls einem ZHenfdjen fid? gerettet benfen? 
$ixl)lt man ber erften unbegreiflicben 
Urfad?e feiner Kettung nid?t fid? fo 
Diel ndfyer? 

Ziatlian. 

Stol3 ! unb nid?ts als Stol$ ! Der Copf 
Von (Eifen trill mit einer filbern ^ange 
29s (Bern aus ber (Blut gel?oben fein, um felbft 
(Etn Copf t>on Silber fid? 3U btinfen* — Pal? ! — 
Vinb was es fdjabet, fragft bu? toas es fd?abet? 



ZXattian ber IDeife. 91 

IDas fyilft es? bflrft' id? nur fyintoieber fragen, — 
Denn bein „Std} <Sott um fo tnel ndfyer fiifylen", 

300 3ft Unfinn ober (Bottesldfterung* — 

2tllein es fd?abet; ja, es fd?abet allerbings* — 
Kommt! fyort mir 3m — tlxdft toafyr? bem IDefen, bas 
Did? rettete, — es jet ein (£ngel ober - 
<£tn ITTenfd?, — bem mod?tet ifyr, unb bu befonbers ; 

30s ©em trieber stele grofe Dienfte tfyun? — 

Zcid?t toafyr? — Hun, einem (Engel, tx>as fur Dienfte, 
^iir grofe Dtenfte fount ifyr bem roofjl tfyun? 
3fyr fount ifym baxxhn; 5U ifynt feufjen, beten; 
Konnt in (Entjucfung fiber tfyn 3erfd?mel3en; 

: ioKount an bem Cage feiner ^eier faften, 

2Ilmofen fpenbem — 2ttles nicfyts. — Denn mid? 
Ddud?t immer, ba$ il?r felbft unb euer Xcdd?fter 
£?ierbei tpeit mel?r getrinnt als er. <£r wivb 
Hid?t fett burd? euer faften; roirb nid?t reid? 

3 i 5 Durd? eure Syznbzn; wivb nid?t l?errlid?er 
Durd? eu'r (£nt3iicfen; nrirb nicbt mdd?tiger 
Durd? eu'r Dertrau'n. Xcid?t roafyr? 2tllein ein ZHenfdj ! 

<£t freiiid? l?dtt' ein ZHenfd?, etroas fur ifyn 
<gu tt)un, uus mel?r ©elegenfyeit t>erfd?afft 
320 Unb <5ott toeif, roie bereit tr>ir ba3U roaren! 
2tllein er tpollte ja, beburfte ja 
So t>olIig nid?ts; roar in fid}, mit ftd? fo 
Dergniigfam, als nur (Engel finb, nur (Engel 
5ein fonnen, 

(Enblid?, als er gar t>erfd?tt)anb ♦ ♦ . 

Vlattyan. 

325 £>erfd?tr>anb? — H?ie bzxxn t>erfd?tr)anb ? — Sid? untern 

Paimen 



92 Hatfyctn ber Itfetfe 

Hicfyt ferner fefyen lief? — H)te? ober fyabt 
Jfyr unrflicfy fcfyon ifyn tpeiter aufgefudjt? 

Daja. 

Das nun tt>ofyl nid?t 

Hainan. 

Hidjt, Daja? nidjt? — Da fief? 
Hurt tx>as es fcfyab't! — (Sraufame Scfytpdrmerinnen ! — 
330 IDenn biefer (Engel nun — nun franf getoorben I ♦ ♦ ♦ 

Kranf! 

Daja* 

Kranf ! <£r ttnrb bocfy nicfyt ! 

ICeldj falter Scfyauer 
Befdllt mid} I — Daja ! — ZHetne Stirne, fonft 
So toarm, fufyl'! ift auf einmal (Eis. 

Haitian. 

(Er ift 
(£in ^ranfe, btefes Kltmas ungeroofynt; 
3353ft jung ; ber fyarten 2Irbeit femes Stanbes, 
Des f}ungerns, IDacfyens ungetr>ofynt 

Kranf! franfl 

Das roare mogltcfy, meint ja Hatfyan nur. 

Hainan* 

Hun liegt er ba ! fyat tr>eber ^reunb, nod? <0elb 
Sicfy ^reunbe 3U befolben* 

Xcdia. 

Wq, mein Dater! 



Xlatban bet Vdtxfo. 93 

ttattyan. 

34 o£tcgt ofyne IDartung, ofyne Hat unb (gufprad)', 
(Etn Haub ber Scfymersen unb bes Cobes ba! 

Hecfra, 
IDo? tr>o? 

VLatfyan. 

<£r, ber fur etne, bie er nie 
(Sefannt, gefefyn — genug, es roar etn ITcenfdj — 
3ns T feu'r fid? fturste . . . 

Icatfyan, fdjonet tfyrerl 

Vlatban. 

345 Per, was er rettete, ntcbt ndfyer fennen, 

Zctd?t roetter fefyen mod)!', — um tfym btn Danf 
<gu fparen • . ♦ 

Scfyonet tfyrer, Hatfyan ! 

Hainan 

IDeiter 

21 ud) mcfyt 511 fet?n t>erlangt', — es trdre benn, 
Daf er 311m 3tt)ettenmal es retten follte — 
350 Derm g'nug, es ift etn ITtenfd? . . . 

Sa\a. 

fjort auf, unb fefyt! 
Hatban, 

Der, ber fyat fterbenb fid) 311 laben, ntdjts — 
2tls bas Betouf tfetn btefer Cfyat ! 



3^r totet fte ! 



f}ort auf I 



94 Hatffctu fccr IPetfe. 

n<xtt\an. 

Unb bu fyaft ifyn getotet! — 
f^dtt'ft fo ifyn toten fonnem — Hzd)a\ Kecfyal 
* 5 5<£s ift 2tr5net, mcfyt (Sift, tr>as id? bir reidje* 

(£r lebt ! — f omm 311 bir I — ift and) vooljl nicbt franf; 
Xlxdft einmal franf! 

©eurif ? — nid?t tot? ntdjt franf? 

n<xrt\an. 

©etrng, nxd?t tot! — Denn ©ott lofynt ©utes, fyier 
©etfyan, aud) fyier nod}* — ©el) ! — Begreifft bu aber, 
3 6olDie tnel an bad) tig fcfytodrmen leicfyter, als 
©ut fy an be In ift? IDie gem ber fcfylafffte ZTTenfd} 
2tnbdd)tig fdjtodrmt, um nur, — ift er guseiten 
Sid? fdjon ber 2lbftdjt beutlidj ntdjt berouft — 
Um nur gut fyanbeln nidjt 3U biirfen? 

365 ZUein Pater ! laft, lag t (£ure. 2?ed?a bocfy 
Hie roieberum allein 1 — Xcidjt waifx, er f ann 
TXnd} tr>ofyl t>erreift nur fein? — 

nattyan. 

©cfyt ! — 2lllerbings. — 
3d? fefy', ^ or t trtuftert mit neugier'gem Blicf 
<£tn ZTcufelmann mir bie bclabenen 
syoKamele* "Kennt ifyr tfyn? 

£}a ! (£uer Deranfcfy* 
XDer? 



Hatfyan ber IDetfe. 95 

Daja, 

(£uer Derurifcfy; (£uer Sc£?ad?gefeII 1 

2ll=£)aft? bas 2H^aft? 

3ei?t bes Sultans 
Scfyaijmetfter* 

Hainan. 

H)ie? 2lI=I}aft? tErdumft 5u toieber? — 
(£r ift's ! — toafyrfyafttg, tft's ! — f ommt auf uns 3U. 
375 f}tnetn mit eudj, gefcfyuunb ! — Was toerb' id? fyoren ! 



Dritter Jluftrttt. 
Hatfyan unb ber DertPtfd?. 

Ketft nur bie 2lugen auf, fotpett 3^ r fount! 

VLatfyan. 

Btft bu's? Btft bu es mdjt? — 3 n liefer Pracfyt, 
(£iu Perroifd) ! . . . 

Hun? JDarum benn ntcfyt? £dft ftcf? 
2lus etnem Derttnfd) b^nn mcfyts, gar ntcfyts macfyen? 

Hainan* 

380 (£t trofyl, genug ! — 3^ ^acfjte mir nur tmmer, 
Der Derttnfcfy — fo ber recite Derurifcfy — troll' 
2tus ftcS? rttdjts madjen laffem 

Beim Propfyeten! 



96 XCatlian ber IDetfe. 

Daf id} fein renter bin, mag and} tpotjl rcafyr fein, 
^tt>ar tr>enn man mu§ — 

Hainan* 

ZTTuf I Derunfcfy! — Derroifdj muf? 
3 85l{ein ZTtenfcfy muf miiffen, unb etrt Dertoifcfy miifte? 
XDas miift' er btnn? 

Derttnfdj* 

IDarum man ifyn recfyt bittet, 
Unb er fur gut erfennt: bas muf ein Dertpifcfy* 

Hainan* 

Bet unferm (Sott! 6a fagft 6u trafyr* — £af bid? 
Umarmen, ZHenfdj. — Du bift bodj nod} mein ^reunb? 

Derttufd}* 

390 Unb fragt nidjt erft, was id} getoorben bin? 

Haitian. 

Crot* bent, was bu getoorben! 

Sertvtfctt* 

Konnf id} nidjt 
(£in Kerl im Staat getr>orben fein, bes ^reunbfdjaft 
(£udj ungelegen rodre? 

VlatVian. 

VOtnn bein f?er3 
Xlod} Derttnfdj ift, fo tr>ag' id}S brauf* Der Kerl 
395 3 m Staat ift nur bein Kleib. 

Das and) geefyrt 
IDill fein* — Was meint 3*? r ? tatet! — VDas wav id} 
7Xn (£urem f}ofe? 



Hatfyan ber IDetfe. 97 

natulan. 

Dernnfcfy; toeiter nicfyts. 
Vod) nebenfyer, trafyrfcfyeinlicfy — Hod). 

Hun ja! 
2Tfein ^anbroerf bet (£ucf? 311 t>erlernen* — Hod) ! 
4 ooIcid)t Kellner aucfy? — (Beftefyt, 6af Salabin 
2T£icfy beffer fennt — Scfyaijmeifter bin id? bet 
3fym tporben* 

Hainan. 

Du? — bei ifym? 

t?erftet?t: 
Des fleinern Scfcaijes, — benn 6es grofern toaltet 
Sein Pater nodj — bes Scftai^es fiir fein £}aus. 

Haitian. 

405 Sein f}aus ift grof. 

Deruufd^ 

Hnb grofer, als 3^ r glaubt; 
Denn jeber Bettler ift von feinem f^aufe* 

Qod) ift ben Bettlern Salabin fo feinb — 

Daf er mit Stumpf unb Stiel fie 311 rertilgen 
Sid) rorgefe^t, — unb follf er felbft bariiber 
410 ^um Bettler tuerben* 

Hainan. 

Brat)! — So mein' idj's eben* 

Derttnjd}* 

£r ift's aucfj fctjon, troij einem! — Denn fein Sd)a% 



98 Zlatfyan ber IDetfe. 

3ft jeben £ag mit Sonnenuntergang 
Die! leerer nod?, als leer. Die ^lut, fo f?od? 
Sie morgens eintrttt, ift bes XHittags langft 
415 Derlaufen — 

ttatban. 

XDeil Kandle fie 3um t£eil 

£)erfd?lingen, Me 311 fullen ober 5U 
Perftopfen, gleid? unmoglid? ift 

Setwifd}* 

©etroffen ! 

Zlattian. 

3d? fenne bas! 

€s taugt nun freilid? nid?ts, 
H)enn ^urftenjSeier unter Ztfern ftnb. 
420 Dod? finb fte Ztfer unter (Seiern, taugt s 
Hod? 3ef?nmal rueniger. 

VLatVian. 

(D nxdji bod), Dertr>ifd?l 
Zcid?t bod?! 

53erttufctj* 

3I?r f?abt gut reben, 3*? r ' — Kommt an: 
Was gebt 3^ r tnir? fo tret' id} meine Stelf 
(£ud? ab. 

Was bringt bir beine Stelle? 
Devttuicti* 

4 2 5 Hid?t met Dod? (£ud?, <£ud? f ann fte trefflid? tr>ud?em< 
Denn ift es (£b& im Sd?a£, — roie ofters ift, — 
So 3iet?t 3^? r <£ure Sd?leufen auf: fd?ieft t>or, 
ttnb nel?mt an <^ n f en / was €ud? nur gefdllt 



Hat tyan be r IDeife. 9^ 

Uatfyan. 

Hud) 3in$ rom gins ber ginfen? 

X>erunfd}* 

^retlid? ! 

Haitian. 

Bis 
43o2Tfetrt Kapital 311 lauter <?>infen voivb. 

Derttufdj* 

Das locft (Eucfy nid?t ? — So fcfyretbet unfrer ^reunb= 

fchaft 
Hur gleicfy ben Scfyeibebrief ! Derm rcaljrlicl} fyab' 
3d? fefyr auf (£udj gerecfynet. 

Hainan* 

JDa^rlid?? Wk 
Denn fo? tr>ie fo bcxxn? 

^ a f 3*? r m i r me i n 2t mt 
435 ZTtit (£fyren toiirbet fiiljren tjclfen ; 6a§ 
3<i? all3eit offne Kaffe bet (£ud? Ijdtte. — 
3fyr fd?uttelt ? 

Hainan, 

Hun, rerftefyn ttnr uns nur redjt! 
£)ier giebt's 3U unterfcfyetberL — Du? roarum 
Xtxdft bu? 2tl=£jaft Derarifdj ift 3U allem, 
440 Was \&i permag, mir ftets ttnllf ommen. — 2tber 
2tM}aft Defterbar bes Salabin, 
Der — bem — 

Derttnfcfy* 

(£rriet icfy's nidjt? Daf 3*? r bod) i^tner 
So gut als flug, fo flug als roeife feib! — 
(Bebulbl Was 3*? r a ™ ^ a fi unterfcfyetbet, 



ioo ttatfyan ber EDetfe. 

445 Soil balb gefdjiebeu toieber fetn. — Sefyt ba 
Das (£fyrenfleib, bas Salabtn mir gab* 
(£1? es rerfdjoffen ift, efy es 3U £umpen 
©etrorben, rote fie einen Dertoifd? fleiben, 
£)dngfs in 3 eru f a ^ em am ^^d, unb 

450 3d? bin am (Sanges, too id) leid?t unb barfuf 
Sen fyeifen Sanb mit meinen Sefyrern trete. 



Dir afynlidj g'nug ! 



Dein fyodtftes ©ut! 



VLatlian. 

XJerttujd}, 

Unb Sd)ad} mit ifynen fpiele. 



Serttufdj* 

Denf t nur, was mid} t>erftifyrte ! - 
Damit id? felbft nidjt Idnger betteln biirfte? 
455 Den rexdjen XTtann mit Bettlern fptelen fonnte? 
Dermogenb tpdr' im £)ui bzn reidjften Bettler 
3n einen armen Heidjen 5U r>ertpanbeln? 

nattyan. 

Das nun toofyl nidjt* 

Derttnfdi* 

IDeit etroas 2lbgefd)macfters I 
3d? fiifylte mid? 511m erftenmal gefcfymeicfyelt; 
4 6oDurdj Salabins gutters gen Wafyn gefdjmeidjelt — 

Hainan. 

Der roar? 

Derttnfd}. 

<£in Bettler nriffe nur, trie Bettlern 
<?>u IHute fei; ein Bettler tjabe nur 
(gelernt, mit guter ZDeife Bettlern geben. 



Hatfyart ber IDetfe. 101 

„Dein Dorfafyr," fpracfy er, „tr>ar mir tuel 511 fait, 
465 ^u raufy* fir gab fo unfyolb, tr>enn er gab; 
(£rfunbigte fo ungeftum fid} erft 
Had? bem (Empf anger ; rite 3ufrieben, bag 
(Er nur ben ZTTangel fenne, tr>ollt' er aud} 
Des XTfangels Urfad}' uriffen, urn bie (Babe 
470 Tiad} biefer Urfadj' ftljig absurodgen. 
Das roirb 2tl=£jafi ntdjtl So unmilb milb 
XDtrb Salabin tm £)afi nicfyt erfdjeinen I 
2ll=£)aft gleicfyt rerftopften Hofyren nidjt, 
Die ifyre flar unb fttll empfangnen JDaffer 
475 So unrein unb fo fprubelnb toiebergeben. 
2ti=£)afi benft; 2ll^afi fxi£?It rote id?!" — 
So lieblid? Hang bes Doglers Pfeife, bis 
Der ©impel in bem Icetse roar, — 3^? ©ed! 
3d? eines ©ecfen (Beef! 

(Bemad?, mein Dertr>ifcfy, 
480 (Bemad? I 

Uerttnfclj* 

(£t teas! — €s roar' nidjt (Becferet, 
Bei fjunberttaufenben bie ZTTenfdjen brucfen, 
2tusmergeln, pliinbern, martern, rourgen; unb 
<£in Utenfdjenfreunb an ein3eln fdjeinen tx>ollen? 
(£s roar 1 nidjt (Becferei, bes ^odjften ZTtilbe, 
485 Die fonber 2tustt>af)l fiber 35^ unb (Bute 
Unb ^lur unb ZDiiftenei, in Sonnenfdjetn 
Unb Hegen fid? r>erbreitet, — nad^udffen, 
Unb nidjt bes f}od?ften immer r>olle ^anb 
<5u t^aben? JDas? es tx>dr' nidjt (Becferei ♦ ♦ , 

natVian. 

49o©enug! fyor' auf ! 

Derttufd}* 

£aft meiner (Becferet 



102 Hatfyctn ber IDetfe. 

ItTid? bod? nur aud? ertodfynen ! — ZPas? es todre 

Hid?* (Sederei, an fold?en (Becfereien 

Die gute Seite bennod? aussufpiiren, 

Urn Ztntetl, biefer guten Sette toegen, 

495 2tn biefer (Sederet 3U nel?men? f}e? 

Das nid?t? 

nattyan. 

2tl=£?afi, mad?e, ba% bu balb 
3n beine tDufte tr>ieber forrtmft. 3^} furcate, 
®rab' unter ItTenfdjen mod?teft bu ein ZHenfd? 
<gu fein t>erlernen, 

Derttnfdj. 

2?ed?t, bas furd?t' id? and}. 
5 oo£ebt trofjl! 

natfyan. 

So f?aftig? — IDarte 6oc£?, 2tl=£?aft. 
(£ntlduft btr benn bie XDiifte P — IDarte bod?! — 
Daf er mid? fydrtel — £}e, 2tl=£?afi! I?ier! — 
IPeg ift er; unb id? f?dtt' it?n nod? fo gern 
Xlad) unferm £empelf?errn gefragt. Permutlid?, 
505 Daf er it?n fennt 



Pierter 2tuftritt. 
Daja etlt fyerbet. Hatfyan. 

© rcatf?an, Hatf?an ! 



Uatlian. 

Was giebt's? 



Hun? 



T)a\a. 

(£r laf t fid? ttneber fet?n ! (£r laft 
Sid? toieber fef?n I 



Hatfyan ber lt)eife. 103 

ZDer, Daja? tr>er? 

<Er! er! 
Ziatlian. 

<Er? er? — VDann laft ftcf? ber nicfyt fefyn! — 3 a f°/ 
Itur euer (Er fyeif t er, — Das follt' er nicfyt ! 
510 Unb tx>enn er aud} ein (Engel todre, mdjt! 

Daja, 

(Er toanbelt untern Palmen toieber auf 

Unb ab; unb bricfyt t>on geit 3U geit ftd? Datteltu 

Sie effenb? — unb als tTempelfyerr? 

Daja* 

IDas qudlt 
3fyr mid?? — 3*? r gierig 2tug' erriet ifyn Winter 

5 i 5 I)en btdjt Derfdjrdnf ten palmen fd?on ; unb folgt 
3fym unserrucft. Ste laft (£ud? bitten, — (£ud> 
Befd?tt>oren, — ungefdumt ifyn ansugefyn* 
(D eilt! Sie tr>irb (Eucfy aus bem ^enfter toinfen, 
(Db er fyinauf gefyt ober roeiter ab 

52 oSid} fdjidgi © eilt! 

ZiatVian. 

So txrie id? t>om Kamele 
(Beftiegen? — Sdjicft fid) bas? — (Sefy, eile bu 
3f?m 3U; unb melb' ifym meine IDieberfunft. 
©ieb ad?t, ber Biebermann Ijat nur mein Vfans 
3n meinem 2tbfein nid?t betreten roollen ; 
525 Unb fommt nidjt ungern, roenn ber Dater felbft 
3fyn laben laf t. (Sefy, fag', id) laff ifyn bitten, 
3fyn fye^lid? bitten . ♦ t 



104 Hatt?an ber IDetfe. 

2111 umfonfi! €r fommt 
<£ucfy ni&it — Denn f ur3 ; er fommt 3U fetnem 3 u ^n< 

Viattyan. 

So gel), gel? toenigftens tfyn an3ufyalten; 
53o3^? n toenigftens mil betnen 2lugen 3U 

Begletten* — <£>efy, id? fomme gleid? Mr nad). 

(Hatfyan etlt fytnetn, unb Daja fjeraus.) 



^finfter 2luftritt 

(Scene: em plat} mtt palmen, unter oelcfyen ber (Eempelfyerr 

auf unb nteber ge^t. <£tn Klofterbrubcr folgt tfnn in etniger 

(Entfernung con ber Sette, immer als ob er tint anreben ux>lle.) 

£empeltjert\ 

Der folgt mir nidjt t>or langer XDeile ! — Siefy, 

XDte fdjielt er nad? ben I^dnben ! — (Suter Bruber, ♦ ♦ ♦ 

3d? fann <£ud? aud> roofy! Pater nennen; nidjt? 

2iloftevt>rubet\ 

Hur Bruber — Caienbruber nur; 3U Menem 

Sempelfyerr* 

535 3 a / S u * er Bruber, toer nur felbft was fydtte ! 
Bet ©ottl bet ©ottl id? tjabe nidjts — 

Unb bocfy 
'Rzili toarmen Danf ! (Bott geb' (£ud? taufenbfadj 
VOas 3^? r S ern Q>zhm toolltet. Denn ber XPille 
540 Unb ntdjt Me &abz madjt bzxx <£>ebet\ — 2ludj 
ZDarb id? bem ^errn 2llmofens tpegen gar 
Xlxdft nacfygefdjicft. 



Zlattian ber XPetfe. 105 

Dod? aber nad?gefd?icft? 

ttlofterfcrubev* 
3<^; <*us bem Klofter. 

£empelt}ert% 

tDo id? eben jeijt 
(Ein Hemes pilgermaf?! §u finben f?offte? 

Hlofterbruber* 

545 Die tTifcfte toaren fd?on befei§t : fcrnm' aber 
Der f}err nur txneber mit 3uriicf. 

^empelberr* 

ID03U? 
3^ fyabe ^leifd? u)ot?l lange nid?t gegeffen: 
illlein roas tout's? Die Datteln fmb ja reif* 

Klofterbruber* 

Xcefym' ftd) ber ^err in ad?t mit biefer ^rud?t, 
550 ^u tnel genoffen taugt fte nid?t; r>erftopft 
Die 2TEU3; mad?t meland?olifd?es (Sebliit. 

€emj>el^err. 

ZDenn id? nun meland?olifd? gern mid? fut?lte? — 
Dod? biefer IDarnung tx>egert rourbet 3^ 
ZHir bod) nid?t nad?gefd?id!t ? 

2tlofterfrrttbet\ 

(D nein ! — 3d? foil 
555 ZTTid? nur nad? (£ud? erfunben ; auf ben ^atyx 
(£ud? fut?len* 

Unb bas fagt 3*? r m * r f° Mbft? 



106 Hainan bcr tDetfe. 

VOavum nid?t? 

tlempelfyerr* 

((Ein t>erfd?mi£ter Bruber!) — {}at 
Das Klofter (£uresgleid?en met?r? 

2ilofterfcru5et\ 

IDeif nid?L 
3d? muf get?ord?en, lieber f)en\ 

Vinb ba 
5 6o (Bel?ord?t 3^? r ^ enn au d? ol?ne r>iel 3U Fliigeln? 

IDdr's fonft ge{?ord?en, Iteber ^err? 

(Daf bod? 
Die <£tnfalt immer Hed?t befydlt!) — 3*? r bixvft 
ZTTir bod? aud? roofyl t>ertrauen, toer mid? gern 
(Senauer fennen mod?te? — Daf 3^ r ' s M&fi 
565 Xcidjt fexb, roill id? toofyl fd?tr>orem 

ttlofterbruber* 

(^iemte mir's? 
Unb frommte mir's? 

JDem 3iemt unb frommt es bznn 
Daf er fo neubegierig ift? IDem benn? 

2ilofterfcru5et\ 

Dem Patriard?en ; muf id? glauberu — Denn 
Der fanbte mid? (£ud? nad}. 

Eempeifyerr. 

Der Patriard?? 



Hatfyan bet ID eif c. 107 

szoKennt ber bas rote Kreu3 auf tx>ei£em ZHantel 
Hid?t bcffer? 

Kenn' ja id?'s ! 

Hun, Bruber? Hun? — 
3<3} bin ein tlempelt?err ; unb em gefangner. — 
Se£' id? fyinsu : gefangen bei Cebnin, 
Der Burg, bte mit bes Stillftanbs letter Stunbe 

575 JDir gern erftiegen fatten, um fobann 
2luf Sibon los ju get?n; — fef^ id? I?in3u: 
Selb3U)an3igfter gefangen unb allein 
Pom Salabin begnabiget: fo roeif 
Der Patriard?, was er 3U rotffert braud?t; — 

58o2JEet?r, als er braud?t. 

ttlofterfcruber* 

XDol?l aber fd?tr>erlid? mef?r, 

ills er fd?on toeif. — (£r triif t' aud? gern, roarum 

Der I}err ron Salabin begnabigt toorben; 

(£r gan3 allein* 

<Zempelt}ert% 

IDeif id? bas felber? — Sd?on 
Den £}als entbloft, fniet' id? auf meinem ZUantel, 

585 Den Streid? erroartenb: als mid? fd?drfer Salabin 
3ns 2tuge faft, mir ndt?er fpringt, unb trinft. 
ZUan i?ebt mid? auf; id? bin entfeffelt; trull 
3f?m ban! en ; fef?' fein 2lug' in tEl?rdnen : ftumm 
3ft er, bin id?; er gebt, id? bleibe* — IDie 

590 Hun bas 3ufamment?dngt, entrdtfle fid? 
Der Patriard?e felbft 

'Klofterfcruber* 

(£r fd?lieft baraus, 



108 ttatfyan bcr IDeife. 

Dag (Sott 3U grogen, grofen Dingen (£udj 
ZTTuff aufbefyalten fyaben. 

iZempelljerr* 

3<*/ 3" grofen! 
(£in 3 u & enm abd?en aus ^ em ^ eur 3 U ^tten; 
595 2tuf Sinai neugier ge Pilger $u 
©eleiten; unb bergleicfyen mefyr* 

2ilofterl>ru5ei\ 

IDirb fd?on 
Hod? fommen ! — 3f* in3tr>ifdjen and) nidjt libeL — 
Dielleidjt fyat felbft ber Patriarch bereits 
IPeit ttridjfgere (Sefdjdfte fur ben f}errm 

{Zempeltjerr* 

600 So? meint 3fy r / Bruber? — X}at er gar <£udj fdjon 
ZDas merfen laffen? 

^ilofterbruber* 

<Et, ja u>ofyll — 3d? foil 
Den fjerrn nur erft ergriinben, ob er fo 
Der ZTTann tpotjl ift* 

^empelljerr* 

Hun ja; ergninbet nur! 
Qd? h^H bod? fefyn, toie ber ergriinbet!) — Hun? 

bo 5 Das fiir3'fte tpirb xvoi)l fein, ba$ id} bem fyvvn 
©an3 grabe3U bes Patriarcfyen ZDunfcfy 
<£roffne. 

Wotyl 

ttlofterfcrufcer* 

(Er fydtte burcfy ben f^erm 



Hatl^an fcer IPeife. 109 

(£in Briefd?en gem befteltt 

^empel^err* 

Durd? mid?? J^? &tn 
Kein Bote. — Das, bas tr>dre bas <0efd?dft, 
610 Das toeit glorreicber fei, als 3 u ^nmdbd?en 
Dem ^eu'r entreifen? 

Ittuf 6odj tx>ol?l! Deun — fagt 
Der Patriard? — an biefem Briefd?en fet 
Der gan3en (Eljrtften^eti fel?r tnel gelegen* 
Dies Briefd?en tr>ot?l beftellt 311 Iqabzn, — fagt 
615 Der Patriarch, — toerb' einft im fjimmel (&oti 
IViit einer gart3 befonbern Krone lof?nen* 
Unb biefer Krone, — fagt ber Patriard?, — 
Sei niemanb txmrb'gcr, als mein f}en\ 

^empeltjerr* 

2tls id?? 

lUofterbrufcer. 

Denn biefe Krone 311 r>erbienen, — fagt 
620 Der Patriard?, — fei fd?tr>erlid? jemanb aud? 
©efdjicfter, als mein ^err. 

€empetfyerr* 

2Hs id?? 

Klofterbruber* 

€r fei 
fjier frei; fonn' uberall ftd? I?ier befefyn; 
Perftet?', trie eine Stabt 3U ftiirmen unb 
<5u fd?irmen ; fonne, — fagt ber Patriard?, — 
625 Die StdrF unb Sd?tr>dd?e ber pon Salabin 
Heu aufgefut?rten, innern, 3toetten ZTTauer 



no Tlatfyan ber ttfetfe. 

Tim beften fdjdijen, fte am beutlidjften 

Den Streitem ©ottes, — fagt ber Patrtard), — 

Befcfrretben. 

^empeliierr* 

(guter Bruber, toenn id) bod) 
Hurt aud) bes Briefcfyens ndfyern 3 n ^? a ^ tr>ufte* 

^ilofterfcvuber* 

3a ben, — ben tr>et§ id) nun toofyl nid)t fo red)t 
Das Briefd)en aber ift an Konig Pfytlipp* — 
Der Patriard) ♦ . , 3^ ^ a ^' rciicfy oft getrunbert, 
IDte bod) ein fjeiliger, ber fonft fo gan3 
635 3 m fjtmmel lebt, 3ugleid) fo unterrtdjtet 
Von Dingen btefer ZDelt 3U fein fyerab 
Sid) laffen fann* €s muf if?m fauer toerben* 

€empelt}err* 

Hun benn? Der Patrtard) ? — 

2llojtett>rufcet\ 

XDeif gan3 <jenau, 
(5an3 3ut>erlaffig, rote unb too, tote ftarf, 
640 Don roeldjer Seite Salabin, im ^aU 
<£s roilig ttneber losgefyt, feinen ^elb3ug 
(£roffnen txnrb* 

Das tpeif er? 

Klofterfcruber* 

3a, unb mod)t' 
(£s gern ben Kontg P^iltpp trnffen laffen : 
Damit ber ungefdfyr ermeffen fonne, 
645 (Db bie (Befafyr benn gar fo fd)recfltd), urn 
XTtit Salabin bzn IDaffenftiiieftanb, 



XI at I] an bcrlDeife. m 

Den (£uer (Drben fd?on fo brat? gebrod?en, 
<£s fofte tr>as es toolle, tr>ieber fyer 
(5u ftellen, 

£empell}ert\ 

IDeld? ein Patriarch 1 — 3 a f° 5 
6 5 o Der liebe tapfre ZTtann rotll mid? ju feinem 
(Semeinen Boten; rotll mid? — 3um Spion* — 
Sagt <£uerm Patrtardjen, guter Bruber, 
So r>iel 3^ r m ^ ergriinben fonnen, roar' 
Das meine Sad?e nidft — 3^? muffe mid? 
655 Viock) als (Befangenen betrad?ten; unb 
Der Cempelfyerren einjiger Beruf 
Set mit bem Sd?tr>erte brein $u fcfylagen, md?t 
Kunbfdjafterei 3U tretbetu 

2tlofter&ru&et\ 

Dad?t' id?'s bod) ! — 
tDtlTs audj bem £?errn nid?t tbm fefyr Derubeln. — 

660 <?)tt>ar fommt bas Befte nod?. — Der Patriard? 
f}ierndd?ft fyat ausgegattert, rote bie ^efte 
Sid? nennt, unb too auf £ibax\on fte liegt, 
3n ber bie ungefyeuern Summen fiecfen, 
ITtit roelcben Salabins rorficfyt'ger Pater 

665 Das ^eer befolbet, unb bie ^uriiftungen 
Des Kriegs beftreitet Salabin Derfiigt 
Von ^eit 3U ^eit auf abgelegnen IDegen 
lead? biefer ^efte fid?, nur faum begleitet — 
3fyr merft bodf? 

£entpelf}ert% 

nimmermefyr ! 

VOas tt)dre 6a 
670 VDofyl leid?ter, als bes Salabin fid? 3U 



ii2 Zlattian ber XPetfe. 

Bemdcfytigen? ben ©araus ifym 3U madden? — 
3fyr fcfyaubert? — © es fyaben fcfyon ein paar 
©ott'sfiircfyt'ge 2T£aromten ftdj erboten, 
XDcnn nur ein toacfrer XUann fie fiifyren tc>olle, 
675 Das Stticf 5U tDagem 

£empelt}ert\ 

Unb ber Patriarch 

£)dtf and? 5U btefem roacfern XHanne mid? 

(Erfefyn ? 

^ilojterbrufcer* 

<£r glaubt, bag Konig Pfyilipp tr>ofyl 
Don ptolemais aus bie f^anb Ijier3U 
Tim beften bieten fonne. 

{Zempelfjerr* 

XHtr? mir, Bruber? 

68o2Ttir? ^abt 3^ r Ntcfyt gefyort? nur erft gefyort, 

2Das f tir Perbinblidjfeit bem Salabin 

3d} fyabz? 

Klofterfrruber* 

VOoifl fyab' idj's gefyori 

Sempeiljerr* 

Unb bod}? 
liIofterbvubet\ 

3a, — meint ber Patriarch, — bas roar' fcfyon gut : 
©ott aber unb ber (Drben ♦ . ♦ 

€empel^err. 

iinbern nidjts! 
685 ©ebieten mir f ein Bubenftiicf ! 

ttlofterfcruber* 

(Setoff ntd)t! — 
Hur, — meint ber Patrtardj, — fei Bubenftiicf 
Vox ZHenfdjen, md?t aucfy Bubenftiicf t>or ©ott 



Hatfyan ber IDetfe. 113 

3d? tr>dr' bem Salabin mein £eben fcfyulbig: 
Unb raubt' ifym feines? 

2Uofterbrubet\ 

Pfui ! — Sod? bltebe, — metnt 
690 Der Patriate^, — nod? immer Salabin 

(Ein ^einb ber (Efyriftenfyeit, ber (£uer ^reunb 
<gu fein, fein 2led?t ertoerben fonne. 

^reunb? 
2ln bem id) blof mdjt totll 3um Sdjurfen tperben; 
<?>um unbanfbaren Sdjurfen? 

?ilo)tcvbvubev. 

2lllerbings ! — 
695 <?>tt)ar, — metnt ber Patriarch, — bes Danfes fei 
VTian quitt, r»or ©ott unb ZTTenfdjen quitt, tpenn uns 
Der Dienft um unferttoillen nidjt gefeftefyen, 
Unb ba t>erlauten toolle, — meint ber Patriarch, — 
Daf (£ud) nur barum Salabin begnabet, 
700 IDeil ifym in Surer ZUien', in (Euerm IDejen, 
So roas r»on feinem Bruber etngeleucfytet ♦ ♦ • 

£empelt}ert\ 

2lud? biefes roeif ber Patriarch; unb bod)? — 

2tfy! todre bas getxnf ! HI), Salabin ! — 

IDie? bie Hatur fydtt' aucfy nur ein en ^ug 
705 Don mir in betnes Brubers ^orm gebilbet: 

Unb bem entfprddje nxd)ts in meiner Seek? 

VOas bem entfprddje, fount' id) unterbriicfen, 

Um einem Patriarcfyen 3U gefallen ? — 

Hatur, fo liigft bu nidjt! So ttnberfpricfyt 
710 Sid? ©ott in feinen IDerfen nidjtl — (Befyt Bruber! — 

(Erregt mir meine (Salle nicfyt! — ©efyt! gefyt! 



H4 VLaii\an ber XX>etfe. 

1ilofterfcru&et\ 

3d} get}'; unb gel}' t>ergnugter, als id? fam, 
Derjeifye mir ber l^err* IDtr Klofterleute 
Sinb fdjulbig, unfern (Dbern 3U gefyordjen. 



Sedjfter Jluftritt. 

Der Cempelfyerr unb Da\a, bte ben Cempelfyerm fcfyon erne 
gettlang con tuettem beobacfytet fyatte, unb fid? nun ifym naljert. 

715 Der Klofterbruber, roie mid} bunft, lief in 

Der beften £aun' iljrt nid}t — Dod} muf id? mein 
Pafet nur tpagen* 

£etnpell}ert\ 

Hun, Dortrefflidj ! — £ugt 
Das Sprid)roort tt>ot}l : baf ZHond} unb IDeib, unb IPeib 
Unb XTiond) bes tleufels beibe Krallen finb? 
720 <£r totrft mid} fyeut aus einer in bie anbre* 

ZDas fef}' id}? — (Ebler fitter, <£ud}? — (Sott Danf I 
<Bott taufenb Danf ! — XDo fjabt 3t?r bznn 
Die gan3e ^eit geftecft? — 3^r feib bodf vooiji 
Zcid}t franf getpefen? 

€etnpelijert\ 

XTein, 

Da\a. 

(Sefunb bod}? 

tZempelfyerr 

3a. 

7 2 5 It)ir toaren (£urettr>egen toafyrlid} gan$ 
Befummert. 



£tatf}attberlt)etfe. 115 

£empelt}ert\ 

So? 

3^ tpart getxnf t>erretft? 

(Errateni 

Unb famt fyeut erft txneber? 

<£>eftern. 

2tucfy Hecfyas Dater tft fyeut angefommen. 
Unb nun barf &ed?a bod/ wofjl fyoffen? 

XDas? 

VDavum fte (£ucfy fo Sfters bitten laffen. 
730 3^ r 22ater label (£ucfy nun felber balb 

2tufs brtnglicfjfte. (£r fommt ron Babylon; 

ZTTtt 5tr>an3tg fyocfybelabenen Kamelen, 

Unb allem, voas an ebeln Spesereten, 
735 2tn Stetnen unb an Stoffen, 3 n ^^ en 

Unb Perften unb Syrten, gar Stna, 

Koftbares nur gerodfyren, 

Kaufe nid)t$. 

Sein Polf Derefyret ifyn als einen ^iirftem 
Qod} ba% es tfyn bzn tr>eifen Hainan nennt, 



n6 ZTatfyctn ber IDeife. 

740 Unb nidjt pielmefyr ben ^etdjen, fyat mid? oft 
(Serounbert 

£empell}ert\ 

Seinem Volt ift reid? unb toeife 
Dielleidjt bas namlidje. 

Dor allem aber 
gait's tt?n btn (Suten nennen miiffen* Denn 
3t?r ftellt <£udj gar nicfyt vox, rote gut er ift 
745 2Xls er erf uljr, rote tnet (£ud? Hecfya fdjulbig : 
Was t^dtt', in biefem 2Xugenbltcfe, nidjt 
(Er alles (£ud? getfyan, gegebenl 



Derfudjt's unb fommt unb fefyt! 



(Etl 



£empell}err* 

IDas benn? tote fdmell 
<£in Ztugenblicf t>oruber ift? 

l}att' id?, 
75 oH)enn er fo gut nicfyt roar', es mir fo lange 

Bei tfym gef alien laffen? meint 3^ r etioa, 

3d? fiifyle meinen JDert als Cfyriftin nicfyt? 

2tud? mir toarb's r»or ber IDiege nid?t gefungen, 

Daf id? nur barum meinem (E^'gematjl 
755 Xiad} palaftiua folgen ttmrb', urn ba 

€in 3 u ^ttttidbdjen 3 U ^3te^n^ <£s roar 

ZTTein lieber Sfy'gemafyl ein ebler Knedjt 

3n Kaifer ^riebricfys ^eere — 



Hainan ber IDeife. 117 

tlempelfyerr* 

Don ©eburt 
(gin Sdjroeiser, bem Me (£f?r' unb ©nabe tt>arb 
760 IfTit Seiner Kaiferlid?en IHajeftdt 

3n einem ^luffe 3U erfaufen* — IDeib ! 

IDie t>ielmal fyabt 3fy r m * r ^as fd?on ersdfylt? 

£}ort 3^? r ^enn 9 ar ™d?t au f m ^ 3 U t)erfolgen? 

3a\a. 

Derfolgen ! lieber <2>ott ! 

3a, ja, r>erfoIgen. 

765 3d? tDtll nun einmal (£ud? nid?t toeiter fefynl 
Hid?t fyoren ! IDill ron (£ud? an eine Cf?at 
Hid?t fort unb fort erinnert fein, bet ber 
3d? nid?ts gebad?t; bie, rcenn id? briiber benfe, 
^um Xdtfel von mir felbft mir wxvb. ^roar mod?f 

770 3^? fte nid?t gern bereuen* 2tber fefyt; 
(greignet fo ein ^all fid? uneber: 3*? r 
Seib fd?ulb, votnn id? fo rafd? nid?t fyanble ; tpenn 
3d? mid? t>ort?er erfunb', — unb brennen laffe, 
Was brennt 

Beroat?re ©ottl 

{Zetnpelfjertr, 

Von fyeut an tf?ut 
775 2T£ir ^n (Befallen tr>enigftens, unb fennt 

ZHtd? toeiter nid?t. 3d? bitt' (gud? brum. 2lud? laft 
Den Pater mir t>om fjalfe. 3 U ^ ift 3ube. 
3d? bin ein plumper 5d}rx>ab\ Des ZTldbd?ens SUb 
3ft langft aus meiner Seele; u>enn es je 
780 Da tr>ar. 



n8 HatfyanberlDetfe. 

Dod} (£ures ift aus ifyrer nid}t 

£empelfyerr. 

VOas foil's nun aber 6a? was foil's? 

IDer u?etf ! 
Die ZTIenfdjen fmb nid}t immer, was fie fdjeinen. 

£empell}ert\ 

Dod} felten ettx>as Beffers* (<Er gety.) 

JDartet bod}! 
IDas exit 3t?r? 

G;empeit}ert\ 

XDeib, mad)t mir bie Palmen nid}t 
7 8 5 Derfyaf t, roorunter id} fo gem fonft toanble ! 

So ge^ bu beutfd}er Bar ! fo gel} ! — Urtb bod} 
ZUuf id} bie Spur bes tEieres nid}t t>erlieren. 

(Ste gefyt ifym con tpeitem nad?.) 



Xtatfyan ber Itfetfe. 119 

Swextev 2luf?U£* 

(Erfter Uuftritt 
Die Scene: bes Sultans palaft. 
Salabin unb Sittafy fptelen Scfyad?. 

IPo btft bu, Salabtn? IPie fpielft bu fyeut? 

Salabin. 

Icidjt gut? J^? bdd)te bod). 

Sittatt. 

$iiv mid); unb faum* 
ypoHtmm biefen <gug 3urucf* 

Salabtn. 

VOavumV 

SittaM. 

Der Springer 
VOxvb unbebecft. 

Salabtn* 

3ft tpafyr. Hun fo! 

So sie^ 
3d? in bie <8abeL 

Salabin* 



IDteber tr>afyr. — Sdjad} benn ! 



120 Zlatfyan ber IDetfe. 

VOas f?ilft bit bas? 3d? f e ^ e r>or: un ^ ^ u 
Sift, rote bu tparft 

Salabin* 

2lus biefer Klemme, fet?' 
795 3d? tr>ol?l, ift of?ne Bufe nid?t 5U fommen. 
ZHag's ! Himm ben Springer nur. 

SittaVi. 

3d? txnll ifyn nid?t 
3d? gel?' t>orbeu 

Zalabin. 

Du fd?enfft mir nid?ts. Dir liegt 
Tin biefem Plaice mefyr, als an bem Springer. 

Kann fein* 

Salabin* 

ITtad?' beine Hed?nung nur ntcfjt of?ne 
800 Den IDirt Denn fiel? ! VOas gilt's, bas tr>arfi bu nid?t 
Permuten? 

Sittati. 

^reilid? nid?t IDie fount' id? aud? 
Permuten, ba% bu beiner Konigin 
So miibe rodrft? 

Salabin. 

3d? meiner Konigin? 

3d? fet? nun fd?on : id? foil f?eut' meine taufenb 
805 Dinar', fein Haferind?en met?r getoinnen* 

Salafcin* 
IDie fo? 



Hainan bet W etfe. 121 

^rag' nod? I — ZDeil bu mtt ^leif, mtt aller 
<5etr>alt rerlieren ttnllft — Dod? babet finb' 
3d? meine 2?ed?nung nid?t Denn aufer, baf 
(£in fold?es Spiel bas unterl?altenbfte 
sioHtdjt ift: getoann id? immer nid?t am meiften 
XTixt bir, toenn id? r>erlor? IDann t?aft bu mir 
Den Sai§, mid? bes rerlornen Spieles tr>egen 
<gu troften, boppelt nid?t Ijernad? gefd?enft? 

Salabin. 

(£i ftet?! fo t?dtteft bu ja rpot?l, roenn bu 
8i 5 Perlorft, mtt ^leif r>erloren, 5d?rr>efterd?en? 

SittaM. 

^um toenigften fann gar toofyl fein, ba% beine 
^reigebigfett, mein liebes Briibercben, 
Sd?ulb ift, baf id? nid?t beffer fpielen lemen* 

Salabin* 

XDir fommen ab t)om Spiele* ITTad?' ein <£nbz I 

So bleibt es? Hun benn : Sifadfl unb boppelt Sd?ad?l 

Salabin. 

Xtun freilid?; biefes 2lbfd?ad? t?ab' id? nid?t 
(Befefyn, bas meine Konigin 3ugleid? 
ITtit niebertxnrft 

StttatN 

XDar bem nod? absufyelfen? 
£a§ fef?m 

Zalabin. 

Hein, nein; nimm nur bie Konigim 
825 3^? tt)ar m ^ biefem Steine nie red?t glucflid?* 



122 Hatfyart bcr IPctfe. 

Blo£ mtt bem Stetne? 

Salabin. 

^ort bamtt! — Das ttjut 
ITtir mdfts. Denn fo ift alles toteberum 
<gefd?tii?i 

VOk fyofUd? man mtt Konigtnnen 
Derfabren miiffe : fyat mein Bruber mtcfy 
8 3 o <gu tDofyl gelefyrt (Ste lagt fie ftefyen.) 

SalaMn* 

Xcimm, ober ntmm fie ntcfyt! 
3d? I?abe fetne mefyr* 

ID05U fie nefymen? 
Scfyadj ! — Sdjadj ! 

SalaMn* 

Hur wetter* 

Scfyad? ! — unb Sdjad? ! — unb Scfyad) ! - 

SalaMn* 

Unb matt! 

Xixd)i a>an$l bu 3tefyft ben Springer nod? 
Dastmfdjen ; ober roas bu madjen txnlift 
835 (Bletd)tuel! 

Salabin. 

(5an3 reefy t ! — Du fyaft geroonnen : unb 
2tI=I}afi jafylt. — ZHan laff tfyn rufen ! gletdj! — 
Du fyatieft, Sittafy, ntcfyt fo unrecfyt; id} 



HatBan bcr ttfexfe. 123 

XDav nicfyt fo gans beim Spiele; roar 3erftreut. 
Hub bann : tr>er giebt uns fcenn bie glaiten Steine 

840 Beftdnbig? bte an uicbts erinnern, ntcfyts 
Bc5cicbnen* £}ab' id? mit bem 3 mam ^enn 
(Befpielt? — Docfy was? Derluft to ill Portoanb. Xlidft 
Die ungeformton Steine, Sittafy, ftnb's, 
Die mid? Derlieren macbten : beine Kunft, 

845 Dein rufyiger unb fdmeller BlicE . ♦ , 

2lud? fo 
IDtllft Du ben Stacbel bes Derlufts nur ftumpfen. 
(Senug, bu roarft jerftreut; unb mefyr als id}* 

Salabiru 
211s bu? ZDas fydtte bid? serftreuet? 

Deine 

^erftreuung freilid) nicbt ! — <D Salabin, 
850 IDarm roerben wit fo fleif ig toieber fpielen ! 

SalaMn. 

So fpielen toir um fotnel gieriger! — 
2XE? ! tpeil es trueber losgefyt, rrteinft bu ? — ZHag's! — 
Hur 3u! — 3^? ^? a ^ e n ^t 3ucrft ge3ogen; 
3d) fydtte gern bzn Stilleftanb aufs neue 
855 Perldngert; fydtte meiner Siitab gern, 
©em einen guten Utann 3ugleid? rerfcfyafft* 
Unb bas muf Kicfyarbs Bruber fein : er ift 
3a Jlicfyarbs Bruber. 

H)enn bu beinen Kidjarb 
Itur loben fannft ! 



124 Hatfyan ber IDetfe. 

Salabin. 

tDenn unferm Bruber ITfelef 
86oPann Ridfavbs ScfytDefter tpar' 5U tetle tr>orbeu : 
fya ! tt>elcfy ein £)aus jufammen I f}a, ber erften, 
Der beften £}dufer in ber XDelt bas befte! — 
Du fyorft, id) bin micfy felbft 5U loben, and) 
Icidjt fauL 3^? biinf mid} meiner ^reunbe toert- — 
865 Das fydtte ZHenfcfyen geben follen ! bas I 

§ab' id} bes fcfyonen Craums nidjt gleidj gelacfyt? 
Du fennft bie (Cfyriften nicfyt, trnllft fie nidjt fennen. 
3^ Stols ift: <£^riften fein; nidjt ZHenfcfyen* Denn 
Selbft bas, roas, nod) von ifyrem Stifter Ijer, 

8 7 oinit ZTtenfdjlidjFeit ben Ztberglauben tr>ur3t, 
Das lieben fte, ntdjt roeil es menfcfylidj ift: 
IDeifs (Efyriftus lefyrt; tpeil's (Efyriftus I?at getfyan. — 
tDofyl ifynen, baf er fo ein guter IHenfdj 
Xlod) roar I XDoifl ifynen, ba% fie feine tTugenb 

s 7 5 2tuf t£reu' unb (Blauben nefymen tonmnl — Vodf 
Was tlugenb? — Seine tEugenb nicfyt; fein' Hame 
Soli liberal! r>erbreitet roerben; foil 
Die Hamen aller guten ZHenfcfyen fcbdnben, 
Derfdjlingen* Urn ben Xiamen, um ^n Hamen 

38o3ft ifynen nur 3U tfyun. 

Salabhu 

Du meinft: tparum 
Sie fonft perlangen tr>urben, ba% and) ifjr, 
2lud) bn unb ZTCelef, (£fyriften fyiefet, el?' 
2lls (£fy 1 gemafyl ifyr (Lfyriften lieben roolltet? 

Sittali. 

2>a tr>ofyl! 2tls wax' von (Lfyriften nur, als (£fynften, 



Hatfyan ber IPeife. 125 

885 Die £iebe ju gerodrtigen, tpomit 

Der Stopfer ITcann unb ZITdnntn ausgeftattet ! 

Salabin, 

Die (Efyriften glauben mef)r 2trmfeligfeiten, 

2tts baf fie bie nidjt audj nod) glauben fonnten ! — 

Unb gteicbtrofyl irrft bu bid)* — Die Cempelberren, 

890 Die Cfyriften nicbt, finb fcfpulb : finb mcfyt, als (Efyrtften, 
2lls tTempelfyerren fdjulb. Durd) bie allein 
IDirb aus ber Sa&z mdfts. Sie roollen 2tffa, 
Das Xicbarbs Sdjroefter unferm Bruber 2X£elef 
^um Brautfdjaij bringen miifte, fcblecbterbings 

8 95 rcid)t fafyren laffem Daf bes fitters Dorteil 
(Sefafyr mdjt laufe, fpielen fie ben UTond), 
Den albern ITCondj. Unb ob trielletdjt im ^luge 
<£in guter Streid? geldnge : fyabeu fie 
Des ZDaffenftilkftanbes 2lblauf faum 

900 (£rtr>arten fonnen* — £ufttg I Uur fo roeiter! 

3fyr f^erren, nur fo roeiter ! — ITcir fd?on redjt I — 
IDdr' alles fonft nur, tote es miifte. 

Hun? 
Was irrte bid) benn fonft? Was fonnte fonft 
Did) aus ber ^affung bringen? 

Zalabin. 

Was von je 
905 2Ttidj immer aus ber ^affung fyat gebrad?h — 
3d) wax auf Sibanon, bei unferm Dater* 
(£r unterliegt ben Sorgen nod? . . . 



126 23 a tlj cut bcr IDetfe. 

SalaMn, 

<£r Fann nid)t burcfy; es flemmt fid} allerorten; 
<£s fdjit balb 6a, balb bort — 

Was flemmt? was fefylt? 

SalaMn* 

9 io IDas fonft, als teas id? f aunt 511 nennen toiirb'ge ? 
IDas, tr>enn idj's fyabe, mir fo uberfliiffig, 
Unb fyaV idj's nicbt, fo unentbefyrlid) fdjeint. — 
IDo bleibt 2tl=£jaft bcnn? 3fl niemanb nad? 
3bm aus? — Das letbige, t>ertx>iinfd)te (Belb! — 

915 ©ut, £}aft, baf bu fommft. 



<5toeiter 2tuftrttt 
Der Dernrifd? 2ll = ^aft. Salabtn. Stttafy, 

Die (Belber aus 
Ztgypten ftnb r>ermutlid) angelangt, 
IDenn's rtur fein Did ift 

Salabin, 

f^aft bu Had}rid)t? 

m-Qafi, 

3d? mc6t. 3^ benfe, ba% id? fyier fte in 
(Empfang foil nefymen. 

SalaMn, 

^a^r an Sittaf? taufenb 
920 Dinare ! On (5ebanfen bin= unb fyergefyenb.) 



Zlattyan ber IDetfe. 127 

<5afyf ! anftatt, empf ang ! <D fd?on ! 
Das ift fur tr>as nod} tt>eniger als nidjts. — 
Tin Sittafy? — tr>ieberum an SittaE? ? Unb 
Derloren? — toieberum im Sd}ad} r>erloren? — 
Da ftefyt es nod} bas Spiel! 



g 25 Znem (SIM? 



Du gonnft mir bod) 



Ul-fyan (bas Spiel betra&tenb). 
tDas gonnen? JDenn — 3^ r roift ja n>ofyl. 

Sittafy (ifym tpinfenb). 
Bft! £?afi! bft! 

2U-^aft (nod? auf bas Spiel gericfytet). 
©onnt's (Eucb nur felber erftl 

Sittaf*. 

tfi^aftl bft! 

Ul-Qafi (311 Stttaty. 

Die IDeifert tparen (£uer? 
3fyr bietet Scfjadj? 

(But, baf er nicbts gefyort! 

2U-4<tfi. 

Hun ift ber <?>ug an ibm? 

Sittab (ifym nafyer tretenb). 

So fage bodj, 
930 Daf id} mein <8elb befommen fann. 



i 2 8 XTatfyan ber IDeife. 

Ul-^afi (nod? auf bas Spiel get^eftet). 

Hun ja; 
3fy* follt's befommen, rote 3^ rs f* ets befom.mem 

IDie? bift bu toU? 

Das Spiel ift ja nid?t aus* 
3fyr fyabt ja nid?t rerloren, Salabin* 

SalaMn (!aum fyinfyorenb). 
Dod?! bod? I Be3a^n besafjl'l 

9 35 Da ftefyt ja (£ure tConigim 

SalaMn (nod? fa). 

(Silt nid?t; 
(5et?ort nidjt mefyr ins SpieL 

SxttaVi. 

So mad?' unb fag', 
Daf id? bas <3elb mir nur fawn fyohn laffen ! 

Ul-^afi (nod? immer in bas Spiel uerticft). 

Derftetjt fid), fo roie immer. — ZDenn aud? fd?on; 
JDerin aud? bie Konigtn nid?ts gilt : 3*? r f e ^ 
94 oDod? barum nod} nid?t matt. 

5alabtn (tritt fyin3u unb n?irft bas Spiel um). 

2d} bin es; ttnll 
<£s fein* 



Hatha n be rlPetfe. 129 

3a fo ! — Spiel rote (Seurinft! So trie 
(Setronnen, fo bz$al)lL 

Salabxn (311 Stttafy). 

XDas fagt er? roas? 

Sittal} (von geit 311 geit bem Baft nrinfenb). 

Du fennft ifyn ja, (Er ftrdubt ficE? gem ; [aft gern 
Sid? bitten ; ift voolfl gar ein toenig neibifd?- — 

Zalabin. 

9 45 2tuf bid? bod) nicbt? 2tuf meine Sdjroefter nid)t? — 
XDas fyor' id), f^afi ? Iceibifd?? bu? 

M-Bayi. 

Kann fein ! 

*Kann fein! — 3* ^tt' ibr £>irn vooijl lieber felbft; 
&)dr' lieber felbft fo gut, als fie. 

Zittab. 

3nbes 
f}at er bod} immer ricbtig nod) be$afylt. 
950 Un6 tr>irb audj fyeut besafylen. £af ifyn nurt — 
©ef? nur, 2ll=:6afi, get?! 3* tr»ttl bas (Selb 
Sd?on Ijolen laffen. 

Hein; id? fpiele langer 
Die XTtummerei nicbt mil. (Er mug es bod> 
(Einmal erfabren. 

Zalabin. 

XD^v ? unb roas? 

Sittati. 

2ll=^afi! 



130 Hatfyau ber XPetfe. 

955 3P ^iefes bein Derfprecfyen ? f^dltft 5u fo 
ZTcir IDort? 

IDie fount' id) glauben, baf es fo 
IPeit gefyen roiirbe* 

SalaMn* 

Hun? erfafyr' id? nid)ts? 

3d) bttte bid), 2tl=f)aft ; fei befd)eiben* 

Das ift bod} fonberbar ! IPas fonntc Sittafy 
960 So feierlid), fo trarm bet einem ^remben, 
Bet eincm Derttnfd) lieber, als bet mir, 
Bet ifyrem Bruber fid) t>erbitten toolkit, 
2ll^aft, nun befell' id) + — Hebe, Derttnfd)! 

£af eine Kleinigfeit, meiu Bruber, bir 
965 Xl\d}t ndfyer treten, als fie tourbig ift. 
Du toetft, id) fyabe 3U t>erfd)iebnen 2Tcalen 
Diefelbe Summ' im Bd}ad} von bir gerponnen* 
VLnb roeil id) jetjt bas (5elb nid)t notig fyabe; 
ZDeil jetjt in f)afts Kaffe bod} bas <gelb 
97 oXl\d)i eben all5iu)duftg ift: fo finb 
Die Poften ftefyn geblieben* 2lber forgt 
Zcur nid)t! 3^ will f* e tr>eber bir, mein Bruber, 
Tiod} f^aft, nod} ber Kaffe fdjenfen. 



IDenn's bas nur rodre ! bas ! 



3a, 



Sittali. 

Unb mefyr bergleicfyen* 



HatfjaubcrtDctfe. 131 

975 2Judj bas tft in ber Kaffe fiefyn geblieben, 
IDas bu mir einmal ausgeroorfen; tft 
Sett trenig ItTonben ftefyn geblieben. 

ZU-gaft- 

Hod? 
Hkfyt alles. 

Salabin* 

Hod? nidjt? — ZDtrft bu reben? 
ttl-Qafl. 

M 

Seit aus Ztgypten toir bas (2>elb ertoarten, 

980 fytt fte ♦ . • 

Zittati (311 Salabtn). 

XD05U ifyn fyoren? 

Hidjt nur nicfyts 
Befommen ♦ * . 

5alabin* 

(Suites XTfdbdjen ! — 2lud? beiber 
ZTCit Dorgefdjoffeu. Icidjt? 

ttl-Qafl; 

Den gan3en f}of 

<£rfyalten; (Euern 2tufroanb gart3 aUein 

Beftrittem 

Salabim 

f}a ! bas, bas ift meine Sd?tr>efter! (fie umarmenb), 

985 JDer fyatte, btes 3U f onnen, mid? fo reid? 
©emadjt, als bu, mein Bruber? 

Ul-Qafl. 

XDirb fcfyon and} 



132 HatfyanbertPetfe. 

So bettelarm fte roieber mad)en, als 
<£r felber ift. 

SataMn. 

3d} arm? ber Bruber arm? 
IPann fyafr id) mebr? toann roeniger gefyabt? — 
990 (Ein Kleib, ei n Sd^toert, ein Pferb, — unb einen <£>ott ! 
IDas braucfy' id) meijr? IDann farm's an bem mtr 

feijlen? 
Unb bod), 2ll=f}afi, fount' id) mtt Mr fdjelten- 

Sdjilt nid)t, mein Bruber. IDenn id) uuferm Pater 
2lud) feine Sorgen fo erleid)tern fonnte! 

Salabin. 

995 211) ! 2tt) ! Icun fd)ldgft bu meiue ^reubigfeit 
2tuf einmal tr>ieber nieber! — Ulir, fur mid) 
^et)lt nid)ts, unb faun nid)ts fefylen. 2lber iijm, 
3fy m feblet; unb in ifym uns alien* — Sagt, 
IDas foil id) mad)en? — 2tus Hgypten fommt 

1000 EUelletcbt nod) lange nid)ts. IDoran bas liegt, 
IDeif ©ott. <£s ift bod) ba nod) alles rufyig* — 
2lbbred)en, ein3iel)n, fparen, tr>tll id) gem, 
ZHir gern gefallen laffen ; roenn es mid), 
Blof mid) betrifft; blof mid}, unb niemanb fonft 

1005 Darunter leibet. — Dod) toas fann bas mad)en? 
(Ein Pferb, ein 2{leib, ein Sd)toert, muf id) bod) 

babem 
Unb meinem ©ott ift aud? nid)ts ab^ubtngen. 
3t)m g'niigt febon fo mtt tr»enigcm genug; 
ZTtit meinem £)er3eiu — 2tuf bzn Uberfdjuf 

1010 Von beiuer Kaffe, £)aft, fyatt' id) fefyr 
©erecfynei 

Uberfd)uf ? — Sagt felber, ob 



Ztatban ber IDetfe. 133 

3f?t mid? nicbt E?dttet fpief en, toenigftens 
ZTTid? broffeln laffen, toenn auf Uberfd?u§ 
3d? ^OTt (£ud? roar' ergriffen toorben. 3 a / 
1015 2luf Unterfd?leif ! has voav 511 toagen, 

Salabin* 

Hun, 

IDas mad?en roir benn aber? — Konnfeft bu 
Dorerft bet niemanb anberm borgen, als 
Bet Sittat?? 

JDurb' id? btefes Dorred?t, Bruber, 
1020 ZTtir fyaben nefymen laffen? ZTcir r>on tfym? 
2tud? nod? beftefy' id? brauf. Hod? bin id? auf 
Dem Crocfnen rollig nidjt. 

Salabin* 

Hur rollig nid?t! 
Das fefjlte nod?! — ©el? gleid?, mad?' 2tnftalt, £?aft! 
Himm auf bei tr>em bu fannft! unb rote bu fannft! 

1025 <$5cfy, borg', t>erfprid?, — Icur, fjaft, borge nid?t 
Bei benen, bie id? reid? gemad?L Denn borgen 
Von biefen, mocbte roieberforbern l^eifen. 
©el? ju bzn (Beijigften ; bie tuerben mir 
2tm liebfien leifyen, Denn fte roiffen tool?!, 

1030 ZDie gut if?r ©elb in meinen J^dnben roudjert 

3d? fenne beren feine* 

<£btn fallt 
Xilit ein, gefyort 5U t?aben, £?afi, ba% 
Dein ^reunb 3urucfgefommen. 



134 Hat I) an ber IPcifc. 



ai-^afi (betroffen). 

^reunb? mein ^reunb? 



JDer mar' benn bas? 

Deirt f?od?gepriefner 3 u ^ e - 

©epriefner 3ube? f?od? von mir?. 

io 35 Dem <£>ott, — 

ZTTid? benft bes 2tusbrucfs nod? red?t tr>of?I, bes einft 
Du felber bid? von it?m bebienteft, — bem 
Sein (8ott t>on alien (Stitern biefer ZDelt 
Das fleinff unb grofte fo in t>oliem ZHag 
Srteilet fyabe* — 

1040 Sagt' id? fo? — ZPas meint' 

3d? benn bamit? 

Das fleinfte : 2?eid?tum, Unb 
Das grdfte: U)eist?eit 

IDie? Don einem ^ubznV 
Von einem 3 u ^ en ^tt' id? bas gefagt? 

Das bdtteft bu r>on beinem Icatfyan nid?t 
(gefagt? 

Ul-^afi, 

3a fo ! t>on bcm ! pom Hatfyan ! — ^iel 
1045 Vfixv ber bod} gar nid?t bet. — XDal?ri?aftig ? Der 



Zlatfyan ber IPetfe. 1^5 

3ft enblidj txneber fyeimgef ommen ? (£i ! 
So mag's bod) gar fo fcblecbt mil ifym nicfyt ftebn* — 
©aii5 redjt: ben nannt' einmal bas Volt ben XDeifen ! 
Den Hetdjen and). 

Sitta^ 

Den Hetcfjen nennt es itjn 
1050 3^fet mebr als je. Die ganse 5tabt erfdjallt, 
Was er fur Koftbarfeiten, toas fur Scbdtse, 
(£r mitgebradjt 

Ul-gaft- 

Hun, ift's ber Heidje roteber: 
So ttnrb's and) toobl ber IDeife uneber fein* 

Sitta^ 
JDas metnft bu, §a% voznn bn biefen angingft? 

lU-Safi- 

1055 Unb toas bet ifym? — Dod? tuofyl ntdjt borgen? — 3 a / 
Da Fenrtt 3^ r ^ n * — € r borgen ! — Seine IDeisfyeit 
3ft eben, ba% er niemanb borgt 

Zittab. 

Du fyaft 

2T£ir fonft bod? gans ein anber Bilb ron tfym 

(Bemadjt 

m-Bayu 

^ur Hot trnrb er (Eud? IDaren borgen* 
1060 ©elb aber, (Selb? (5elb nimmermefyr! — <£s ift 
(£in 3 u ^ e ftetlidj iibrigens, rote's nid)t 
Diel 3 u ^ en Stebt (Er fyat Perftanb; er roeif 
<§u leben; fpielt gut Sdacb. Dod) seidmet er 
3m Scblecbten fid) nicbt mtnber, als im (Buten 
1065 Von alien anbern 3 ll ^ en aus * — ^ u f ^en, 
2luf bzn nur reebnet nidjt — Den 2lrmen giebt 



i^6 ¥(att\an ber XDetfc. 

(£r 5tx>ar; unb giebt melietcfyt trot§ Salabim 
IDenn fcfyon nidjt gan3 fo tnel : bod? gan3 fo geru ; 
Dod? gan3 fo fonber 2tnfefyn* 3 U ^' un ^ £fyrift 
io 7 o Unb XHufelmann unb Parfi, alles ift 

ZittaVt. 

Unb fo ein ZHann . ♦ . 

SalaMn* 

IDie fommt es benn, 
Daf id} r>on biefem ZITanne nie gefyort? ♦ * . 

Der follte Salabxn nidjt borgen? nicfyt 
Dem Salabxxx, ber nur fur anbre braucfyt, 
1075 Xlxift fid? P 

m-gafi. 

Da fefyt nun gleid) btn 3 u ^ er t toieber; 

Den gan3 gemeinen 3 u ^ en I — ©laubt mir's bod} I — 

(£r ift aufs &zbzw (£ud) fo eiferfiicfytig, 

So neibifd)! 3 e ^es Sofyn r>on ©ott, bas' in 

Der IDelt gefagt txrirb, 3<3g' er lieber gan3 
io8o2tlIein. Hur barum cbcxx leifyt er Mnem, 

Damit er ftets 3U geben fyabt. XDeil 

Die ZTCtlb' ifym im ©efetj geboten; bie 

(Befdlligfeit ifym aber nicfyt geboten : madjt 

Die ZTCtlb' ifyn 3U bem ungefdlligften 
1085 ©efellen auf ber IDelt. ^wax bin id? feit 

©eraumer ^eit ein roenig iibern ^uj| 

VTixt ifym gefpannt; bod} benft nur nidjt, ba% id) 

3fym barum nidjt ©erecfytigfeit er3eige* 

(Er ift 3U allem gut: blo^ ba3u nidjt; 
1090 Blof ba3u tpafyrlidj nidjt 3^? will an <$ S^id? 

Hur gefyn, an anbre tEfyiiren flopfen ♦ ♦ ♦ Da 



Xlatl\an ber XDetfe. 137 

Beftun' id? mid? foeben eines ZHofyren, 

Der reidj unb get3tg ift> — 3^? S^E?'; id? gel?\ 

Was eilft bu, fyxfi? 

Salabin. 

£af if?n ! £af if?n ! 



Dritter Huftriti 
Stttafy. Salabtn. 

<£ilt 
1095 (£r bod), als ob er mir nur gem entfdme ! — 
VDas f?eif?t bas? — £}at er toirflid? fief? in if?m 
Betrogen, ober — mod?t' er uns nur gern 
Betriigen ? 

Salabin. 

ZDie? bas fragft bu mid?? 3^? H>et£ 
3a faum, r>on roem bie Xebe roar; unb f?ore 
noot)on euerm 3 u ^n, euerm Xcatf?an, t?eut 
<?>um erftenmaL 

3ft's moglid?? bag ein ITtann 
Sir fo t>erborgen blieb, t>on bem es i?eif t, 
(Er fyabe Salomons unb Datnbs (Srdber 
(£rforfd?t, unb roiffe beren Siegel burd? 
1105 (£in mdd?tiges gefyeimes JDort 311 lofen ? 
2Ius if?nen bring' er bann von <5eit 311 <?>ett 
Die unermeflicben Keid?tiimer an 
Den {Tag, bie feinen minbern Quell t>errtetetu 



138 Ha tfya n ber IDetfe. 

SalaMn* 

§at feinen ^etcfytum btefer ZTtann aus (Brdbern, 
mo So tparen's ftdjerltdj ntcfyt Salomons, 
Ti\d)t Daxnbs (Brdber* Harren lagen ba 
Begraben I 

(Dber Bofettncfyter ! — Tlnd} 
3ft fetnes Xetcfttums Quelle rocit ergtebtger 
tDeit uuerfdjopfltcfyer, als fo ein <£>rab 
ins Poll ZTtammon* 

Salafcim 

Denn er fyanbelt; rote id} fyorte* 

Setn Saumtter trexbt auf alien Straf en, 3tefyt 
Durcfy alle IDiiften ; feme Scfytffe liegen 
3n alien ^dfen. Das fyat mir tr>ofyl el? 
2tl=^aft felbft gefagt; unb r>olI (£nt3ticfen 

1120 fjtnjugefugt, rote grof , rote ebel btefer 

Setn ^reunb anroenbe, roas fo flug unb emftg 
(£r 3U ertoerben fur 3U fletn ntcfyt adjte : 
^tn3ugeftigt, rote fret r>on Porurtetleu 
Setn ©etft; fetn f)er3 rote offen jeber tTugenb ; 

1125 IDte etngefttmmt mtt jeber Scfyonfyett feu 

Zalabin. 

Unb jei§t fprad) J)aft bod} fo ungeunf, 
So fait von tfym* 

"Halt nun tr>ofyl md)t; rerlegen* 
2tls fyalf er's fur gefdfyrltcfy, ifyn 3U loben, 
Unb tr>olt' tfyn unrerbtent bod} and) md)t tabeln. - 
1130 IDte ? ober roar' es tpirflicf} fo, ba% felbft 



Hatfyan ber tDeife. 139 

Der Befte femes Dolfes feirtem Dolfe 
Hid?t gari3 entfliefyen fann? baf toirflid? fid? 
2ll=I}afi fetnes ^reunbs von Mefer Seiie 
<gu fcfydmen fydtte? — Set bem, rote ifym rootle ! — 
1135 Der 3 u ^ e f e * wzty ^ber tr>eniger 

2XIs 3ub', ift er nur reid? : genug fiir uns ! 

Balabin. 

Du roillft ifym aber bod) bas Seine mtt 
(Seroalt nicfyt nefymen, Scfytoefter? 

3a, was f?eift 

Bet bir @etr>alt? XHit ^eu'r unb Scbroert? Hetn, nein, 
1140 VOas braucfyt es mtt ben Scbtoacben fiir (£>etr>alt, 

211s ifyre Scfytodcfye? — Komm fiir je^t nur mtt 

3n metnen £)aram, etne Sdngerin 

<5u fyoren, bie id? geftern erft gefauft. 

(Es reift tnbes bei mir trielletdjt ein 2lnfd?lag, 
xu5 Den id? auf btefen Hatfyan fyabe. — Komm I 



Dierter 2tuftritt 

(Scene: vox bem £?aufe bes Hatban, mo es an bte palmen fiofttj 
Hecfya unb XI a ify an fommen fyeraus. §u ibnen Daja. 

Hectja. 

3fyr babt (£ud) fefyr rertr>eilt, metn Pater. (£r 
JDtrb faum nod) ntefyr 3U treffen fein. 

Viatban. 

Hun, nun; 

IDenn bier, bier untern Palmen \d)on nid?t mefyr: 
Docb anbertudrts. — Sei jeijt nur rufyig* — Siefy ! 
>Kommt bort nid?t Daja auf uns 3U? 



i4o Hatfyan bet XDctfe. 

Sie toirb 
3fyn gan3 gerpif t>erloren fyabzw. 

Ziatfyan. 

2tud? 
VOoty nid?t 

Sie roiirbe fonft gefd?tr>inber fommen* 

Hainan* 

Ste f?at uns tx>ol?l nod? rttd?t gefef?n ♦ ♦ ♦ 



Hun fief?t 



Sie uns. 

Hainan* 

Unb boppelt ii?re Sd?ritte* Siefy ! — 
1155 Set bod? nur rut?ig ! rut?ig ! 

Hedja, 

rDolltet 3f?r 
H)oI?l eine tTod?ter, bie bier ruf?ig rodre? 
Sid? unbefiimmert liefe, tpeffen H)of?ltt?at 
3fyr £tbzn fei? 3t?r £eben, — bas if?r nur 
So lieb, roetl fte es (£ud? suerft t>erbanfet 

n6o 3d? rttod?te bid? nid?t anbers, als bu bift : 
2lud? tr>emj id? tou^te, ba$ in beiner Seele 
<Ban3 ettoas anbers nod? fid? rege* 

Was, 

VTuxn Pater? 



Hainan ber IDetfe. 141 

Ziatfyan. 

^ragft bu mid?? fo fd?iidjtern mid?? 
VDas and} in beinem 3 nnern ^orgefyt, ift 
1165 Hatur unb Unfdmlb. £a§ es feine Sorge 
Dir madjen* 2Hir, mir madjt es feine. Hur 
Derfprid) mir : roenn bein £jer3 Dernefymlidjer 
Sid? einft erfldrt, mir feiner XDiinfcfye feinen 
5u bergen* 

Sdjon bie ITfoglicbfeit, mein f}er3 
1170 <£ud? lieber 3U rerljullen, macbt mid? stttern* 

Hainan. 

Hidjts mefyr fyiert>on ! Das ein= fur allemal 
3ft abgetfjan* — Da ift ja Daja* — Hun? 

VLod\ tsanbelt er fyier untern Palmen; unb 
IDtrb gleid? um jene ZHauer fommen* — Sel?t, 
1175 Da f ommt er ! 

Hect>a» 

711) ! unb fd?einet unentfcbloffen, 
tDofyin? ob roeiter? ob fyinab? ob red?ts? 
(Db linfs? 

Daja, 

Hein, nein ; er mad?t bzn IDeg urns Klofter 
©errif nod) ofter; unb bann muf er fyier 
PorbeL — IDas gilt's? 

Hecbt ! red?t ! — E^aft bu ifyn fd?on 
1180 (Befprocben ? Unb trrie ift er fyeut? 



142 ZXattyan ber XPetfc 

VOu immer* 

Uatlian. 

So madjt nur, ba$ er eucfy fytcr mcfyt getoafyr 
JDtrb* tEretet mefyr 3uriicf. (Sebt lieber gari5 
£)tnein. 

Xcur etnen Bltcf nod? ! — 2tfy ! Me £)ecfe, 
Die mir ifyn ftie^lt* 

3a\a. 

Kommt ! fommt ! ber Dater fyat 
185 ©an3 recfyt 3^ r I au f* ©efafyr, tr>enn er (Eudj ftefyt, 
Daf auf ber Stelf er umfefyrt- 

2ty ! Me ^ecf e ! 

Hainan. 

Unb fommt er plo^Iicf? bort cms ifyr fyert>or: 
So fann er embers nidbt, er muf eud? fefyn* 
Drum gefyt bod} nur I 

Kommt! fommt! 3cfy ruetf etu 
^enfter, 
190 2lus bem tr>ir fte bemerfen fonnen* 

3d? (23etbe fytnem.) 



Hatha n ber JDeife. 143 



tffinfter 2Iuftrttt. 
Hainan unb balb barauf ber CCempelfyerr. 

Viatfyan. 

^aft fcfyeu' id) mid? bes Sonberlings* ^aft mad?t 
ZTEidj feme raufye tlugenb ftu^em Daf 
(£in ZTtenfcij bod} einen ZTCenfd^en fo r>erlegen 
Soli macfyen fonnen ! — f}a ! er f ommt. — Bet ©ott I 
1195 <£in 3^ n S^ n 9 wi* e *n 2Tfann- 3^? ma 9 ^ n tDotjl 
Den guten, tro^'gen Blicf ! ben brallen (Sang ! 
Die Sdjale fann'nur bitter fein : ber Kern 
3ft's fidjer nid)h — IPo fafy id? bod? bergleicfyen ? — 
Per3eifyet, ebler ^ranfe . . . 

XVas? 

Xiatban. 

(£rlaubt . . . 

i2oo V0as f 3 u ^ e ? tX)as ? 

Hainan, 

Daf id) midj unterftefy' 
(£ud) ansureben* 

1Zempell}ert\ 

Kann idj's roefyren? Dodj 
Hur fur3. 

¥iatl\an. 

Der^ie^t, unb eilet nidst fo ftol3, 
Hid)t fo r>erdd)tlid) einem ITfann roruber, 
Den 3^ r au f erD ^9 fcud} rerbunben fyabt. 



144 Hatfyan ber tDetfe. 

/' 

i2o 5 lDie has? — 211?, faft errat' id?'s, Zud?t? 3J?r fetb , 

nattyan. 

3d? f?eif e Xcatfyan ; bin bes ITtdbdjens Pater, 
Das Cure (Srofmut aus bem ^eu'r gerettet; 
Unb fomme ♦ . ♦ 

IDenn 311 banfen:— fpart's! 3d? fyafr 
Urn biefe Kleinigfeit bes Danfes fd?on 

1210 <?>u Dtel erbulben miiffen* — Dolienbs 3^? r / 

3I?r fetb mir gar nid?ts fd?ulbig, XDuf f id? benn, 
Daf biefes ZHdbd?en Cure tEod?ter tr>ar? 
€s ift ber tEempelf?erren PfHd?t, bem erften 
Dem beften bei3ufpringen, beffen Hot 

1215 Sie fefyn* ZHein £tbtn tr>ar mir ofynebem 
3n biefem 2tugenblicfe laftig. (Bern, 
Sef?r gern ergriff id? bie (Selegenfyeit, 
Cs fur ein anbres Uzbzn in bie 5d?an3e 
<5u fd?lagen: fiir ein anbres — toenn's aud? nur 

1220 Das ttbzxi einer ^ixbin tr>dre* 

(Srof ! 
(Brof unb abfdjeulid? ! — Dod? bie tDenbung laf t 
Sid? benfen. Die befd?eibne (Brofe flfid?tet 
Sid? t?inter bas 2tbfd?eulid?e, um ber 
Betrunbrung aus3UtDeid?en» — 2tber tr»enn 

1225 Sie fo bas (Dpfer ber Beaumberung 

Derfd?mdt?t: roas fiir ein (Dpfer benn t>erfd?mdf?t 
Sie minber? — fitter, roenn 3*? r ^ er n *d?t fremb^ 
Unb nid?t gefangen roaret, tourb' id? Cud? 
So breift nid?t fragem Sagt, befefylt: u>omit 

1^30 Kann man Cud? bienen? 



3d? bin 



ZXatfyan ber tPetfe. 145 

£etnpelt}ert\ 

3^r? 2Tcit md?ts. 

Hainan. 

(£tn reiser ZTTann- 

2empelliert\ 

Der retd?'re 3 u ^ e roar 
2TEtr rite ber beffre 3 u ^ e » 

Hainan* 

Diirft 3^? r ^ enn 
Datum md?t nii^en, was bem ungeacbtet 
<Er Beffres f?at? nidjt fetnen Heid?tum nii^en? 

^empelberr* 

1235 Hun gut, bas urill id? aud? nid?t gans t>erreben; 
Urn metnes IHantels unllen md?t Sobalb 
Der gan3 unb gar t>erfd?ltffen ; toeber SUA 
Hod? ^e^e langer fallen roill : f omm' id? 
Unb borge mir bet (£ud? 3U einem neuen, 

1240 Cud? ober <5elb- — Sefyt nid?t mtt ems fo ftnfter! 
Hod? feib 3*? r ftdjer ; nod? tft's ntd}t fo tueit 
Hlit it?m* 3^? r f e *?*5 er U* f° 3^™lid? nod? 
3m ftanbe. Icur ber etne ^ipfel ba 
dfat einen garft'gen $Ud; er ift rerfengt 

1245 Unb bas befam er, als id} (£ure Cod?ter 
Durd?s ^euer trug* 

Hainan (ber nad} bem gtpfcl gretft unb tfyn betrad?tet). 

(£5 tft bod) fonberbar, 
Daf fo etn bofer ^lecf, 6af fo ein Branbmal 
Dem ZHann etn beffres (geugnis rebet, als 
Sein eigner 2Hunb. 3d? mod?f ifyn fiiffen gleid? — 
-*w Den ^lecfen ! — 211?, t)er3eit?t ! — 3^? fy ai es ungern. 



146 Itatfyatt ber tPetfe. 

£empelt}ert\ 
Was? 

Hainan. 

(£ine Cfyrdne fiel barauf. 
tZempeliierr* 

<£r fyat ber tTropfen mefyr, — (3 alb aber fdngt 
ITcidj biefer 3 U ^ an 3U rertxrirren,) 

Hainan* 

VOavt 

3fyr tpofyl fo gut, unb fd^icftet €uern ZHantel 
1255 ilud) einmal metnem ZHabcfjen? 

<ZeinpeH}ert\ 

Was bamtt? 

2lucfy itjren ITfunb an biefen ^lecf 311 bnicfen* 
Denn €ure Kniee felber 311 umfaffen, 
tDiinfdjt fte nun tpofyl Dergebens, 

^empelbert\ 

Hber, 3 u ^ e — 
3fyr fyetfet Hainan? — 2tber, Zcatfyan — 3^ r 
1260 Seijt (£ure IDorte fefyr — fefyr gut — fefyr fpitj — 
3d? bin betreten — 2tUerbtngs — id) fydtte . . . 

Ziatfyan. 

Stellt unb t>erftellt (£udj, ttne 3^ r to oil h 3^? fto&' 
2lud) fyter (£ucb aus, 3*? r **>art 3 U S ut / 3 U bteber, 
Urn fyoflicfyer 3U fetn. — Das ZTTdbcfyen, gan3 
i26 5 ©efuljl; ber tpetbltdje (Befanbte, gan3 

XKenftferttgf eit ; ber Pater tpett entfernt — 



ZTatfyan ber IPetfe. 147 

3fyr trugt fiir ifyrcn guten Xiamen Sorge ; 
^lofyt tt?re Priifung ; flofyt, urn nidjt 3U fiegen* 
2tudj bafiir ban! idj (£ud? — 

£empell)err* 

3d) muf geftefyn, 
1270 3^? r ^ift, rote Cempelfyerren benfen folltem 

Hur Cempelfyerren? foil ten blof? unb blof 
IDetl es bie (Drbensregeln fo gebieten ? 
3d) toetf, trie gute IITenfdjen benfen; toeif, 
Daf alle £dnber gute ZTcenfd^en tragen* 

€empell}ert\ 

i2 75 2T£it Unterfdjieb, bod? fyoffentttdj ? 

Hainan* 

3<* tt>of>l; 
2tn $arb', an Kleibung, an ©eftalt rerfdjieben* 

^empelfyerr. 

JIudj fyier balb mefyr, balb tr>eniger, als bort 

Xiattyan. 

IHtt biefem Unterfcfyieb ift's ntdjt roext fyer, 

I)er gro^e ZHann braudjt liberal! t>iel Boben; 
1280 Unb mefyrere, 3U nafy' gepflan3t, 3erfd)lagen 

Sid) nur bie Ztfte* IHittelgut, trie roir, 

^inb't fid) Ijingegen iiberall in ITtenge. 

XTur muf ber eine nicbt ben anbern mdfeln. 

Hur muf ber Knorr ben Unnbben fyubfefy rertragen* 
1285 Hur muf ein ©ipfeldjen fid) nicbt rermeffen, 

Daf es allein ber (£rbe nidjt entfdjoffen* 



148 VLatfyan ber IPetfe. 

{Zentpelfyerr, 

Sefyr tDofyl gefagt ! — Dod? fennt 3*? r auc^ bas Volt, 

Das biefe ZHenfcfyenmdfelei 3uerft 

(Setrieben? IDift 3*? r / Hatfyan, toeldjes Volt 

I2 9o^uerft bas ausertodfylte Volt fid? nannte? 

H)ie? toenn id? biefes Volt nun, 3tr>ar nidjt fyafte, 
Dod? toegen feines Stores 311 t>erad?ten, 
ZtTid? nid?t entbredjen fonnte? feines Stores; 
Den es auf (Efyrtft unb IHufelmann t>ererbte, 

1295 Hur fein <Sott fei ber redjte ©oitl — 3^ r f* u4 ?t/ 
Qa% id), ein (£fyrift, ein tEempelfyerr, fo rebe? 
IDann fyat, unb too bie fromme Xaferei, 
Den beffern <5ott 3U fyabtn, biefen beffern 
Der gan3en IDelt als beften aufsubringen, 

1300 3n ifyrer fd)tr>dr3eften (Beftalt fid) mefyr 

(8e3eigt, als fyter, als je^t? IDem fyier, ttfem jeijt 
Die Scfyuppen nidjt Dom Huge fallen ♦ ♦. ♦ Dodj 
Sei blinb, roer trill! — Dergeft, tr>as id? gefagt; 
Unb Iaft mid? ! (WiU ge^en). 

Vlattian. 

^a ! 3^? r w ^ t ttidjt, tote r»iel fefter 
13053^? nun m ^ an ^udj brdngen tperbe, — Kommt, 

IDir miiffen, miiffen ^reunbe fein ! — Deradjtet 

2Jtein Volt fo fefyr 3^ r toollt JDir l?aben beibe 

ttns unfer Volt nidjt auserlefen. Sinb 

IDir unfer Volt? Was f>eift benn Dolf? 
i 3 ioSinb (thrift unb 3 u ^ e e ^ er £brift unb 3 U ^ 

2tls ITEenfd)? 2tfy! tpenn id) einen mefyr in (£ud? 

©efunben fydtte, bem es g'niigt, ein ZHenfcfy 

<§u fyeifen! 

tZempelfyerr* 

3^, bei (Sott, bas fyabt ^>t)v f Zcatfyanl 



Xlat^an ber IDetfe. 149 

Das fyabt 3^ r ' — Cure §anb I ~ 3^? fcfyame midj 
1315 <£ud? einen 2Iugenblic? rerfannt 3U fyabem 

Hainan* 

Unb id) bin ftol3 barauf* Hur bas (Semeine 
Derfennt man felten. 

Unb bas Seltene 
Dergift man fcfytoerlicfy* — Icatfyan, ja; 
IDir miiffen, miiffen ^reunbe toerben* 

Sinb 
1320 (£s fcfyon* — £Die tr»irb ftdj meine Xecfya freuen ! — 
Unb afy ! treld? eine Retire ^erne fcfylief t 
Sid? meinen Blicfen auf! — Kennt fie nur erft! 

£empelf}ert\ 

3d? brenne vox: Derlangen — JDer ftiir3t bort 
2lus <£uerm I}aufe? 3f*' s ntcbt ttjre Daja? 

Hainan, 

3325 3a rootjl/ So dngftlicfy? 



Unfrer Recfya ift 



Dodj nidjts begegnet? 



I co It at I) an ber IPetfe. 

Sed?fter tfuftrttt. 
Pie Dorigen unb Daja etlicj. 

Zcatfyan! Hatfyan! 

Hainan* 

Hun? 

Derseifyet, ebler Hitter, ba% id} (£udj 
2Tlu^ unterbrecfjen* 

natl\an. 

Xlun, tr>as ift's? 

{Zempelt^err* 

Was ift's? 

Der Sultan fyat gefcfyicfh Der Sultan trill 
i 33 o (£ud? fprecfyen* ©ott, ber Sultan ! 

natfyan. 

Iftidj? ber Sultan? 
(£r totrb begierig fein, 5U fefyen, tr>as 
3d) Heues mitgebradji Sag' nur, es fei 
Icodj trenig ober gar nicfyts ausgepacft 

Hetn, nein ; er trail nicf^ts fefyen ; tr>ill (£udj fpredjen, 
1335 €ud? in perfon, unb balb; fobalb 3fy r fount 

Xiattian. 

3d} roerbe fommen- — (£>efj nur ttneber, gefyl 



Hainan ber IDetfe. 

Hefymt ja mcfyt iibel auf, geftrenger Hitter. — 
<8ott, irir finb fo befiimmert, was ber Sultan 
Vodj uriiL 

Das toirb fid) scigen, (Befy nur, gel? ! 



Siebenter 2Iuftrttt 

Hainan unb ber dempelfyerr. 

£empelfyen\ 

i 34 o So fennt 3*? r ^ n noc *? ntcfyt? — id? meine, Don 

perfon. 

Hainan. 

Den Salabin? Hod? ntcfyt. J^? fy a ^ 
3fyn nicbt t>ermieben, nid)t gefucfyt $u fennen. 
Der allgemeine Huf fpradj triel 5U gut 
Don ifym, 6a§ id? nidjt lieber glauben roollte, 
1345 2tls fetjn. Dod) nun, — tt)enn embers bem fo ift, 
£)at er burd? Sparung (£ures £ebens . . . 

£empelbert\ 

3a; 
Dem allerbings ift fo. Das £eben, bas 

3d? Ub\ ift fein (Befaenf, 

Hainan, 

Durd) bas er mir 
<£tn boppelt, breifad) £zben fcfeenfte. Dies 
1350 £)at alles 3toifcben uns rerdnbert; fyat 
XTtit eins ein Seil mir umgetoorfen, bas 
TXixd} feinem Dienft auf ettng feffelt Kaum, 



152 Hatfyan ber lUetfe. 

Unb faum, fann id? es nun ertparten, tr>as 
(£r mir suerft befefylen toirb. 3<i? b™ 
1355 Bereit 5U allem ; bin bereit if?m 5U 
(5eftef?n, 5af id? es (Euerttoegen bin. 

€etnpelljert\ 

Hod? fyaV id? felber if?m nid?t banhn fonnen : 
So oft id} and} i£?m in ben tDeg getreten* 
Der (£inbrucf, ben id/ auf ifyn mad?te, fam 

1360 So fd?neli, als fd?nell er ttneberum r>erfd?tr>unbem 
U)er tr>eif; ob er fid? meiner gar erinnert 
Unb bznnod} muf er, einmal toenigftens, 
Sid? meiner nod? erinnern, urn mein Sd?icffal 
<Ban3 3U entfd?eiben* Hid?t genug, ba$ id? 

1365 2tuf fein (8ef?eif nod? bin, mit feinem IDillen 
Hod? leb': id? muf nun aud? von ifym ertoarten, 
XI ad} roeffen JDillen id? 3U leben t?abe* 

Hid?t anbers; um fo met?r roill id? nid?t fdumen* 
<£s fdllt t)ielleid?t ein XDort, bas mir, auf (£ud? 
1370 5 U fommen, 2lnlaf giebt — (Erlaubt, r>er3eit?t - 
3d? eile — IDann, u>ann aber fefyn txrir (£ud? 
Bei uns? 

{Zempeltjerr* 

Sobalb id? barf* 

Ziatiian. 

Sobalb 3^? r tpollt 



Xlod) t?eut 



tZetnpeifyerr. 

Hainan. 

Unb (£uer Hame? — muf id? bitten* 



Zlatlian bet IDetfe. jr? 

ZlTetn Xcame roar — ift Kurt von Stauffen* — Kurt ! 

Uatfyan. 

1375 Von Stauffen? — Stauffen? — Stauffen? 

IDarum fdllt 
(£ud? bas fo auf? 

Von Stauffen? — Des <Sefd?Ied?ts 
Stub tool?l fcfjon mef?rere . . . 

© ja I t?ier toaren, 
£}ier faulen bes <3efd?led?ts fd?on mel?rere* 
VTttin (Dl?eim felbft, — mein Pater rotll id? fagen, — 
1380 Dod? roarum fd?drft fid? (£uer Blicf auf mid? 
3e mefyr unb mef?r? 

Vtatfyan. 

(D nid?ts! nid?ts ! U)ie faun 
3d? (£ud? 5U fel?n ermiiben? 

£empelt}ert\ 

Drum r>erlaff 
3d? (£ud? 3uerft, Der Blicf bes ^orfd?ers fanb 
Xcid?t felten mei?r, als er 3U finben tt)unfd?te. 
1385 3<i? fiird?t' il?n, Xcatf?an. £aft bie <geit allmdl?lid?, 
Unb nid?t bie Heugier, unfre Kunbfd?aft mad?en, 

(€r getjt). 
Hainan (ber ifym mtt (Erftaunen nadrfiefyt). 

„Der ^orfd?er fanb nid?t felten metjr, als er 
„<5u finben tr>unfd?te," — 3ft es ^ oc f?/ a ^ °k 



ij4 ZTatfyart ber IDetfc. 

3n meiner Seel' er lefe ! — tDafyrlidj ja ; 
1390 Das fount' aucfy mir begegnen* — Tixd}t allein 

ZDolfs VOud)s f VOolfs (Bang : and} feine Stimme, So, 

Dollfommen fo, toarf Wolf fogar ben Kopf; 

{Irug XDolf fogar bas Scfytoert tm 2trm; ftrtdj XDolf 

Sogar bte 2tugenbrauen mit ber tyanb, 
r 39 5 (Bletdjfam bas ^euer feines Blicfs 3U bergen- — 

ZDie folcfye tiefgeprdgte Bilber bod} 

^useiten in uns fcfylafen fonnen, bis 

(£in VOovt, ein £aut fie vot&L — Don Stauffen ! — 

<£>an3 recfyt, gan3 redjt; ^ilnef unb Stauffen* — 
1400 3<i? to ill bas balb genauer rotffen ; balb. 

Hur erft 3um Salabxn. — Dodj rote? laufdjt bort 

Xiidjt Daja? — Xcun fo fomm nur ndfyer, Daja. 



2ld)tev 2Cuftrttt. 
Daja. Hatfyan. 

Ziatfyan. 

VOas gilt's? nun briicft's eucfy beiben fcfyon bas ^er3, 
Zlod} gan3 was anbers 3U erfafyren, als 
1405 IDas Salabin mir tr>ilL 

Derbenft 3fy rs *fy r ? 
3fyr fingt foeben an, r>ertraulid?er 
ZTtit ifym 311 fprecfyen : als bes Sultans Botfcfyaft 
Uns r>on bem ^enfter fdjeudjtc* 

Hainan. 

Ztun fo fag' 

3fyr nur, ba% fie ifyn jeben 2tugenblicf 
1410 (£rroarten barf. 

<£>ett>if ? gettnf? 



Hatfyan ber XPetfe. 155 

ViatVian. 

3d} farnt 
Wild} bod) auf bid) t>erlaffen, Daja? Set 
2Xuf beiner £)ut; id) Mtte bid?. <£s foil 
Did? nidjt gereuen- Dein <£>etr>iffen felbft 
Soil feine Hecfynung babet finben* Hur 
i 4 i 5 I?erbtrb mir nicfyts in meinem plane, Zcur 
firjdfyr unb frage mtt Befdjeibenfyeit, 
ZTtit Hiicftjalt . . . 

^ a f 3^ r ^°d? nod} erft, fo tr>as 
(£rinnern fount! — *$d) gety'; gefyt 3*? r nur a ud}» 
Denn fefyt! id) glaube gar, ba fommt t>om Sultan 
1420 (gin 5tr>eiter Bof, 2tl=^afi, <£uer Derttnfd}. «5eijtab.) 



Heunter 2luftritt 
Hat^an. 2U s §afi. 

Ul-^afi. 

£ja ! fya ! 5U (£ud? toollt' id) nun eben toieber* 

Haitian. 

3ft's benn fo eilig? Was t>eriangt er b^nn 
Don mir? 

IDer? 

Hainan* 

Salabin- — 3d? fomm', id) fomme* 
^u roem? <§um Salabin? 

Sdjicft Salabin 
1425 Did) nicfyt? 



156 Zlatl\ari ber IDetfe. 

ZtTid}? nein* §at er benn fdjon gefcfyicft? 

Hainan, 
3a freiltcf? fjat er* 

Hun, fo ift es ricfytig. 

Hainan* 

XDas? was ift ricfytig? 

Daf ♦ . ♦ id} bin nicfyt fcfyulb ; 
<0ott roetf , id} bin nicfyt fcfyulb. — Was fyaV id) nidft 
Don (£ucfy gefagt, gelogen, um es ab3uu>enben ! 

Hainan. 

1430 XDas ab5uu)enben? XDas ift ricfytig? 

m 

Hun 3^? r f e * n 2)^fterbar getr>orben- 3^? 
Bebaur' (£ud^ Docfy mit anfefyn rotll icfy's nicfyt 
3d) gel?' Don Stunb' an; geb/, 3*? r i) a bt es fd)on 
(Sefyort, toofyin; unb toift ben IDeg* — ^abt 3^ r 
1435 Des IDegs roas 5U beftellen, fagt : id) bin 

<^u Dienften* ^reilicfy muf es mefyr nid?t fetn, 
2tls toas ein Hacfter mit ftdj fdjleppen fann. 
3cfy get)', fagt balb* 

Hainan* 

Befinn bid? bod), 2tl=f}afL 
Beftnn bid?, ba% id} nod} von gar nicfyts tr>eif* 
x 44 olDas plauberft bu benn ba? 



HatfyanberlDetfe. 157 

3f?r bringt fte bod? 
(Bleid? mit, bie Beutel? 

Beutel? 

Hun, bas (Belb, 
Das 3*? r ^em Salabin t>orfd?iefen follt 

Unb toeiter ift es nid?ts? 

3d? foilt' es tr>ot?l 
2T£it anfefyn, tote er (2nd? ron Cag 5U Cag 

1445 2tusf?oE?len tDtrb bis auf Me <?>efyen? Sollf 
(Es rootjl mtt anfet?n, baf Derfd?tr>enbung aus 
Der toeifen ZTTilbe fonft nie leeren Sd?euern 
So lange borgt, unb borgt, unb borgt, bis aud? 
Die armen eingebornen ZTTduscben brin 

i 45 o£)erf?ungem? — Bilbet 3^ r t)ieUeid)t (£ud? ein ; 
XDer (Euers (Selbs bebiirftig fei, ber roerbe 
Dod? (Euerm Hate tr>ot?l aud? folgen? — 3 a 5 
(Er Hate folgen ! IDann f?at Salabin 
Sid? raten laffen ? — Denf t nur, Xcatfyart, toas 

i 45 5 2Jcir zbzw je^t mit il?m begegnet 

Hun? 

Da !omm' id? 311 it?m, ebcn ba$ er Sd?ad? 
(Sefpielt mit feiner Sd?roefter» Sittat? fpielt 



1 58 Hat ban bcr tt)etfe. 

£(td?t ubel; unb bas Spiel, bas Salabin 

Derloren glaubte, fcfyon gegeben fyatte, 

x 4 6o Das ftanb nod} gan3 fo 6a. J^? W ^ud} fyin, 

Unb feB?e, ba% bas Spiel nod? lange nid?t 

Derloren* 

Hainan, 

(£i! bas wax fur bid? ein ^unb! 

<£r burfte mit bem Konig an ben Bauer 

Hur riicfen, auf i£?r Scfyacfy — roenn idj's (£udj gleid? 

1465 Xcur 3eigen fonnte! 

Hainan. 

(D id) traue bir! 

Denn fo befam ber &od)t ^elb: unb fte 

IDar fyin. — Das alles toill id? ifym nun toeifen 

Unb ruf tfyru — Denftl... 

rtat^an. 

<£r ift mdjt beiner TTIeinung? 

(£r fyort mid? gar nicfyt an, unb ttrirft r>erad?tlid? 
1470 Das ganse Spiel in Klumpen. 

3ft bas moglidj? 

Unb fagt: er trolle matt nun einmal fein; 

(£r tr»ol!e! ^eift bas fpielen? 
• 

Haitian. 

Sdjtuerlid? vool)l; 
£}etft mit bem Spiele (pielen. 



Hattj an ber VO eife. jcq 

Ul-Qafi. 

<SIetd?rDoi}l gait 
<Es feine taube Huf. 

Hainan. 

(Selb fan, ®elb t?er! 
1475 Das ift bas toenigfte* Zlllein bid} gar 
Hid}t an3uI}oren ! liber einen Punft 
Von fold}er IDicbtigfeit bid} nid}t einmal 
<§u I}6ren! Deinen 2tblerblicf nicftt 3U 
Betounbern! bas, bas fdjreit urn Hacfje; nid}t? 

ttl-Qafu 

1480 2td} tpas? 3^? f a s' £udj bas nur fo, bamit 
3fyr fefyen fount, tr>as fur ein Kopf er ift. 
Kur3, id), id} gait's mit tfym nid}t lauger aus* 
Da lauf id} uuu bei alien fcfymui^gen ZTTobren 
f^erum, unb frage, toer ifym borgen trill. 

1485 3d}, ber id} nie fur mid} gebettelt fyabe, 
Soli nun fur anbre borgen. Borgen ift 
Diel beffer nidjt als betteln : fo tpie leifyen, 
2tuf XDudjer leifyen, nid}t r>iel beffer ifi, 
2tls ftefylen. Unter meinen (Sfyebern, an 

1490 Dem (Sanges, braud}' id} beibes nid}t, unb braudje 
Das H)erf3eug beiber nidjt 3U fein. 2lm (gauges, 
2tm (gauges nur giebfs 2XEenfd}en. f^ier feib 3fy r 
Der ein3ige, ber nod} fo tr>urbig rodre, 
Daf er am (gauges lebte. — IDolIt 3*? r nut? — 

1495 £a§ t il?m mit eins ben piunber gan3 im Stid}e, 
Urn ben es it}m 3U tfyun. <£r bringt £ud} nad} 
Unb nad} bod} brum. So roar' bie piacferei 
2tuf einmal aus. 3^? f^ a ff €uc^ einen DelL 
Kommt! fommt! 

Hainan. 

3d} bdd}te 3tDar, bas blieb' uns \a 



160 Hainan ber IDetfe. 

KsooXlod} immer ubrig. Dodj, 2tl=f}afi, toill 
3d?'s iiberlegen. XDarte . ♦ ♦ 

Uberlegen? 
Hein, fo was iiberlegt fid} nidjt 

Hainan. 

ZTur bis 

3d? t>on bem Sultan toieberf omme ; bis 
3d? 2tbfd}ieb erft . . . 

ZDer iiberlegt, ber fudjt 
1505 Berpegungsgrunbe, nicfyt 3U biirfen* IDer 
Sid? Knail unb ^all, tfym felbft 5U leben, nidjt 
(Entfdjltefen fann, ber lebet anbrer Sflav 
2tuf immer, — JDie 3fy r roollt ! — £ebt tuofyl ! trie's (£ud) 
IDofyl biinft — Ittein H)eg liegt bort; unb (£urer ba* 

Hainan. 

1510 2tl=£)afi ! Du tPtrft felbft bod) erft bas Deine' 
Beridjttgen ? 

lid) poffen! Der Beftanb 
Don meiner Kaff ift nid}t bes ^dfylens toert; 
Unb meine Hecfynung biirgt — 3*? r °^er Sittat). 
£ebt tPot?tl (Jib.) 

Hainan, (tfym nad?fefyenb). 

Die burg' id} ! — IDilber, guter, ebler — 
i 5 i 5 tDie nenn' id} ifyn? — Der tpafyre Bettler ift 
Dodj ein$ig unb allein ber roafyre Konig ! 

(Don etrter anbcvn Sette ab.) 



Haitian ber XPet'fe. 161 

X>vitter Hufmg* 

Srfter 2tuftrttt, 

(Scene: in Hatfyans ^aufe.) 

T&tdqa unb Daja. 

IDie, Daja, brucfte ftdj mem Pater aus? 
,,3^? biirf" ifyn jeben 2lugenblicf ertoarten?" 
Das flingt — nidjt tt>afyr? — als ob er nod? fo balb 
1520 €rfcbeinen toerbe* — XDte r»tel 2tugenblicfe 
Stub aber fdjon Dorbet! — 2XB? nun: wcv benft 
2tn bie rerfloffenen? — 3^ ^tll alletn 
3n jebem nddjften 2tugenblicfe leben* 
(£r toirb bod? einmal fommen, ber ifyn bringt 

Daja, 

1525 © ber t>ertr>unfcfyten Botfd^af t ron bem Sultan 1 
Denn Xcatfyan fydtte ficber ofyne fte 
3fytt gleicfy mit tjergebradjt* 

Unb tt)enn er nun 
(Sefommen biefer 2XugenblicE; roenn bann 
Hun meiner IDiinfcbe todrmfter, innigfter 
1530 CgrfuIIet ift : tr»as bann? — roas bann? 

VOas bann? 
Dann fyoff id), ba% and} meiner IDiinfcbe rodrmfter 
Soil in (£rfullung gefyem 

VOas toirb bann 



162 Ztatfyan ber IPetfe. 

3n meiner Bruft an beffen Stelle treten, 
Die fd)on t>erlernt, ol)n einen fyerrfdjenben 
isssIDunfd) aller lDunfd)e fid) 3U befynen? — Hid)ts? 
2lfy, id? erfdjrecf e ! ♦ ♦ ♦ 

ITtein, mein IDunfd) toirb bann 
2In bes erfiillten Stelle treten ; meiner, 
IKein IDunfd), bid) in (£uropa, bid) in £}dnben 
<^u toiffen, tr>eld)e beiner toiirbtg finb. 

1540 Du irrft — Was biefen IDunfd) 3U beinem mad)t, 
Das namlid)e rerfyinbert, ba$ er meiner 
3c tr»erben fann* Did) 3iet)t bein Datertanb: 
Unb meines, metnes follte mid) nidjt fatten? 
(£in Bilb ber Deinen, has in Deiner Seek 

1545 Hod) nid)t t>erlofdjen, follte mefyr t>ermogen, 
Tils bie id) fefyn, unb greifen fann, unb fyoren, 
Die IHeinen? 

Data. 

Sperre bid), fo r>iel bu txnllftl 
Des f}immels IDege finb bes f}immels IDege* 
Unb roenn es nun bein Ketter felber todre, 
1550 Durd) bzn fein (£>ott, fur bzn er f ampft, bid) in 
Das Hanb, bid) 3U bem Dolfe fiifyren roollte, 
^iir tr>eld)e bu geboren tourbeft? 

Hedja* 

Daja! 

XDas fprid)ft bu ba nun ttneber, liebe Daja! 
Du fyaft bod) toafyrlid) beine fonberbaren 
1555 Begriffe ! „Sein, fein <5ottl fur ben er fampft!" 
IDem eignet (Bott? roas ift bas fur ein (Bott, 
Der einem ITfenfdjen eignet? ber fiir fid) 



7X at ban be r IPetfe. 163 

2T?u£ fdmpfen laffen? — Unb trie treif 

IHan benn, fur toeldjen <£r&flo§ man geboren, 

i 5 6o!Denn man's fiir ben nid?t ift, auf tr>eld?em man 
©eboren? — IDenn mein Dater bid? fo f?orte ! — 
IDas tljat er Mr, mir immer nur mein (Bliicf 
So treit r>on if?m als moglid? ror3ufpiegeln? 
IDas tl?at er bir, b^n Samen ber Pernunft, 

1565 Den er fo rein in meine Seele ftreute, 
TTEit beines Canbes Unfraut ober Blumen 
So gem 3U mifd?en? — £iebe, Hebe Daja, 
(Er toill nun beine bunten Blumen nid?t 
2tuf meinem 3obzn ! — Unb id? muf bir fagen, 

157° 3^? felber fiifyle meinen 3obcn f roenn 
Sie nod? fo fd?on il?n fleiben, fo entfrdftet, 
So ausge3et?rt burd? beine Blumen; fiif?le 
3n it?rem Dufte, fauerfiifem Dufte, 
ZTTid? fo betdubt, fo fd?tr>inbelnb ! — Dein (Sefyirn 

1575 3ft toffisfi tnefyr getr>oi?nt 3^? table brum 
Die ftdrfern Xcersen nid?t, bie il?n rertragen. 
Icur fd?ldgt er mir nid?t 3U; unb fd?on bein <£ngel, 
IDie trenig fet?lte, ba% er mid? 3ur Icdrrin 
<£>emad?t? — Xiod} febdrrf id? mid? t>or meinem Pater 

1580 Der poffe! 

poffe ! — 2tls ob ber Derftanb 
Hur l?ier 3U ^aufe tr>dre ! Poffe ! Poffe ! 
IDenn id? nur reben biirfte! 

Darfft bu nid?t? 
IDann wav id? nid?t gan3 (Df?r, fo oft es bir 
©efiel, r>on beinen <£>laubensl?elben mid? 
1585 <5 U unterfyalten? £)a& id? il?ren tEfyaten 
Hid?t ftets Betounberung; unb it?ren £eiben 
£cid?t immer £f?rdnen gern ge3ollt? 3^ r <3laube 



164 ZXattian ber tDetfe. 

£d?ien freilid? mir bas f}elbenmdfigfte 
Tin ifynen nie* Dod? fo r>iel troftenber 

1590 H)ar mir bie £ef?re, ba§ (Ergebenfyeit 
3n (Sott von unferm lDdt?nen iiber <0ott 
So gari3 unb gar nid?t abfydngt — £iebe Daja, 
Das fyat mein Dater uns fo oft gefagt; 
Dariiber fyaft bu felbft mit ifym fo oft 

1595 Did? eint>erftanben : tparum untergrdbft 
Du benn allein, toas bu mtt ifym 3ugleid? 
(Bebauet? — £iebe Daja, bas tft fein 
(Sefprdd?, toomit wit unferm ^reunb am beften 
€ntgegenfef?n* $ixv mid} jtDar, ja! Denn mir, 

i6ooITfir liegt baxan unenblid?, ob aud? er * ♦ ♦ 

£)ord?, Daja! — Kommt es nid?t an unfre Cfyiire? 
IDenn er es rodre! f}ord?l 



<5tr>eiter Ztuftritt 

Hecfya, Daja unb ber Cempelfyerr, bem jemanb rort augen bie 
Cfyiire offnet mtt ben IDorten: 

Ztur Ijier herein I 

(fafyrt 3ufammen, fa§t fid?, unb unli tfym 3U ^ii^en fallen). 
(Er ift'sl — ZTtein Setter, at?! 

^etnpeltjerr* 

Dies 3U r>ermeiben 
<£rfd?ien id} blof fo fpdt : unb bod} — 

3d? will 
i6 °5 3 a 5 U ^ en <£ufen ^iefes ftolsen Iftannes 

Icur (Bott nod? einmal banfen; nid?t bem XHanne* 



Hainan ber tPeife. 165 

Der Utann roill feinen Danf; rotll ifyn fo roenig 
2tls it?n ber IDaffereimer toill, ber bet 
Dem £ofd?en fo gefdjdftig fid? erunefen* 

i6ioDer lief fid? fiillen, lief fid? leeren, mir 

Tixdjts, bit ntdjts : alfo and} ber XHann, TXnd} ber 
JDarb nur fo in bie (Slut fyineingeftof en ; 
Da fiel id? ungefdfyr it?m in bzn 2trm; 
Da blieb id? ungefdl?r, fo roie ein ^unfen 

1615 2tuf feinem XTfantel, il?m in feinen 2trmen ; 
Bis roieberum, id} roeif nid?t voas, uns beibe 
f}erausfd?mif aus ber (Blut — Was giebt es ba 
<5u banhn ? — 3 n <£uropa treibt ber XDein 
<5u nod} roeit anbern tTl?aten- — £empell?erren, 

1620 Die miiffen einrnal nun fo fyanbeln ; miiffen 
IDie etoas beffer sugelernte f^unbe, 
Sotr>ol?l aus ^euer, als aus IDaffer fyolen* 

tZentpelfyerr 

(ber fte mit (Erftaunen unb Unrufye bie gatt3e §ett iiber betradptet). 

(D Daja, Daja ! XD^nn in 2tugenblicfen 
Des Summers unb ber (Salle, meine Caune 
1625 Did? iibel anlief , roarum jebe ^f)ort)eit, 

Die meiner <?>ung' entful?r, il?r t?interbringen? 
Das f?ief fid} $u empfinblid? rdd?en, Daja! 
Dod? roenn bu nur r>on nun an, beffer mid} 
Bei it?r rertreten roillft 

2d} benfe, fitter, 
1630 3d? benfe nid?t, baf biefe fleinen Stad?eln, 
3f?r an bas f}er5 getporfen, (£ud? ba fet?r 
<0efd?abet fyabtn. 

Hedja* 

VOk? 3^? r ^ttet Kummer? 



166 Ztatfyan ber IDetfe. 

Unb watt mit (£uerm Kummer gei$iger 
Tils (£uerm £eben? 

£empell}err. 

(gutes, £?oibes Kinbl — 
i6 35 XDte ift bod? meine Seele 3tt>ifd?en 2tuge 

Unb (Dt?r geteilt! — Das roar bas XHdbdjen nid?t, 
Hetn, nein, bas tr>ar es nid?t, bas aus bem ^euer 
3d? t?olte* — Derm trer t?atte bie gefannt, 
Unb aus bem ^euer nid)t gel?olt? JDer f?dtte 
1640 2tuf mid? getcartet ? — £>wav — t>erftellt — ber Sd?reci 

(paufe, unter ber er, in 2Infd?auung ifyrer, fid? vok serliert.) 

3d? aber finb' (£ud? nod? bzn ndmlid?en* — 

(Dergletcfyen ; bis fie fortfd^rt, um tfyn in feinem 2Inftaunen 
3U unterbrecfren.) 

Hun, Hitter, fagt uns bod?, too 3^ r f° lange 
€>ett>efen? — ^aft biirft' id? aud? fragen: wo 

3*? r i e *?° f^ib? 

<ZempeIi}ert\ 

3d? &w, — vo ° i&l t>ielleid?t 
1645 Hid?t follte fein* — 

Wo 3*? r geroefen? — 2lud? 
VDo 3*? r t>ielleid?t nid?t folltet fein getoefen? 
Das ift nid?t gut. 

Sempelfjerr* 

2tuf — auf — roie t?eift ber Berg? 
2tuf Sinai 

Kedja* 

2luf Sinai? — 2tt? fd?on ! 



Zlatfyan bcr IDeife. i6y 

Hun fawn id? 3ut>crldffig bod) einmal 
1650 (£rfat?ren, ob cs roafyr . . . 

€empelt)err* 

XDas? tr>as? (Db's roafyr, 
Da§ nod? bafelbft ber (Drt 3U fel?n, too ZHofes 
Dor (Sott geftanben, als ♦ . . 

Hun bas rooI>I nid?t 
Denn voo er ftanb, ftanb cr r>or (Sott* Hub baron 
3ft mir 3ur (B'niige fd?on befannt. — (Db's tr>ai?r, 

1655 ZTtodjf id? nur gem Don (£ud? erfabren, bag — 
Daf es bet roeitem nid?t fo miifyfam fei, 
2tuf biefen Berg fytnauf 3U fteigen, als 
f)erab? — Denn fet?t; fo r>iel id) Berge nod) 
©eftiegen bin, roar's juft bas (SegenteiL — 

1660 Hun, Hitter ? — JDas ? — 3^ r ^ e ^ rt ^ud? t)on mir ab ? 
ZDollt mid? md?t fef?u? 

^empelljerr* 

IDeil id? (£ud? t?oren id ill. 

IDeil 3f?r mid) nid?t roollt merfen laffen, ba% 
3b r meiner (Etnfalt ldd?elt; ba$ 3^ r lad?elt, 
IDie id? (£ucb bod) fo gar nid?ts H)id?tigers 
1665 Don biefem t?eiligen Berg aller Berge 
<gju fragen tx>eif ? Hid?t roat?r? 

£etnpelfyerr. 

So muf 
3d? bod? (£ud? trneber in bie 2Iugen fef?m — 
JDas? Hun fd?Iagt 3^ r tf e nieber? nun perbeift 
Das £dd?eln 3*? r ? tt>te id? nod? erft in ZHienen, 



168 Hatfyan ber IPetfe. 

i6 7 o 3n 3treifelf?aften ItTienen lefen toill, 

Was id? fo beutlicb fyor', J^ r fo t>ernet?mlid? 

XHir fagt — t>erfd?u)eigt? — 2lt? ^edja! Ked?a! IDie 

f}at er fo tr>at?r gefagt: „Kennt fie nur erftl" 

Hedja* 
XDer l?at? — von tt>em? — €ud? bas gefagt? 

<Zempelt}ert\ 

„Kennt fte 
1675 Hur erft!" Fjat (£uer Pater mir gefagt; 
Don (£ud? gefagt 

Unb id? nid?t etoa aud?? 
3d? benn nid?t aud?? 

Sempelljerr* 

2llleirt tr>o ift er benn? 
VOo ift benn £uer Pater? 3ft er noc *? 
Beim Sultan? 

(Df?ne <5tt>eifeL 

Sempeiljert\ 

Hod?, nod? ba? — 

1680© mid? Dergef lid?en ! Hein, nein; ba ift 
<£r fd?ir>erlid? met?r* — (£r roirb bort unten bei 
Dem Klofter meiner tt>arten ; gan3 getxuf . 
So reb'ten, mein' id?, roir es ab. (£rlaubt! 
3d? gel?', id? i?of if?n • ♦ ♦ 

Das ift meine Sad?e. 
!68 5 Bleibt, Hitter, bleibt 3^? &nng' if?n unt>er3uglid?* 

Hicbt fo, nid?t fo! (Er fiefyt mir felbft entgegen; 



XCatlian ber XX)etfe. 169 

Xi\d}t <£ud}. Da3u, er fonnte letdjt ♦ ♦ . tr>er roetf ? ♦ • ♦ 
(£r fonute bet bem Sultan letcfyt, ♦ . ♦ 3^ r fennt 
Den Sultan ntcfjt ! ♦ . . leidjt in Derlegenfyeit 
^90 ©efommen fetn* — (Slaubt mir; es tjat (Sefafyr, 
IDenn id? md?t gefy\ 

(Sefafyr? tr>as fur (Befafyr? 

€empett}ert\ 

(Befafyr fur mid?, ftir (£udj, ftir tfyn : tr>enn idf 

Zixd)t fcfyleumg, fdjleumg gefy\ (2Xb.) 



Drttter Jluftrttt 
Hed?a unb Daja. 

IDas tft bas, Daja ? — 

So fcfynell? — IDas fommt tfym an? Was ftel ifym auf ? 

1695 IDas jagt tfyn? 

Da\a. 

£aft nur, lajft 3d? benf, es tft 
Ketn fd)limmes ^etd?en, 

(getdjen? unb xvovon? 

Daf ettoas t>orgefyt tnnerfyalb* (Es- fodjt, 
Unb foil md)t iiberfodjen. £af t tfyn nur. 
Hun tft's an (£ucfy* 

Was tft an mtr? Du ttnrft, 
1700 IDte er, mtr unbegretfltd^ 



170 ZlatfyanbertDetfe. 

Balb nun fount 
3br if?m Me Unrut?' all t>ergelten, bie 
(£r (Eud? gemadjt l?at + Seib nur aber and) 
Hidjt allsu ftreng, nid?t allsu radjbegierig* 

XDot>on bu fprid?ft, bas magft bu felber unffen. 

1705 Unb feib benn 3^ r bereits fo rufyig txneber? 

Das bin id? ; ja bas bin id? ♦ ♦ ♦ 

IDenigftens 
©eftefyt, baf 3*? r ^ uc ^ fciner Unrul?' freut; 
VLnb feiner Hnruf?' banfet, toas 3^ r i e *§t 
Don XuV genieft 

2T£ir pollig unbetouft! 

i 7 ioDenn was id? t?od?ftens bir geftel?en fonnte, ' 
VOav\ ba% es mid) — mid? felbft befrembet, trie 
2tuf einen fold?en Sturm in meinem fKrjen 
So eine Stille ploijlid? folgcn fonnen, 
Sein roller 2lnblicf, fein (Sefprad?, fein Cfyun 

1715 ^at mid? . ♦ ♦ 

(Sefattigt fd?on? 

<0efattigt, trill 
3d? nun nid?t fagen ; nein — bet roeitem nidjt — 

Da\a. 

Den t?eif en hunger nur geftillt 



Hatfyart ber IPetfe. 171 

Hun ja; 
ZDenn bu fo urillft. 

Daja* 

3d) eben nidjt 

<£r ttnrb 
ZtTtr etoig tr>ert; mir etotg toerter, als 

i 7 2oHtetn £eben bletben: trenn audj'fdjon metn Puis 
Iciest mefyr bei feinem blofen Xiamen toed^felt; 
Xiidft mefyr metn f}er5, fo oft id? an tt?n benfe, 
©efefytoinber, ftarfer fdjlagi — H)as fd?tDai§'id?? Komm, 
Komm, Hebe Daja, ttrieber an has ^enfter, 

1725 Das auf bie palmen fiefyt 

9aja* 

So ift er bod) 
XDofyl nod? md?t ganj geftillt, ber fyetjje hunger, 

Uedja, 

Hun toerb' id? and? bie Palmen trueber fefyn: 
Hid?t i£?n blof untern Palmen. 

Daja* 

Dtefe Kalte 
Beginnt aud? tool/l ein neues ^ieber nur. 

1730 XDas Kdlf ? 3^ bin nid?t fait. 3* f e ^ e toat?rlid? 
Hid?t minber gem, tr>as id? mit Kuf?e fetje. 



172 



Hatfyan ber IDetfe. 



£f?uft bit bod? 



Pierter 2luftritt 

(Scene: <£m 2Iubten3faal in bem palafte t>zs Salabtn.) 
Salabtn unb Stttafy. 

SalaMn (tm ^eretntreten, gegen bte Cfyiire). 

f^ier bringt ben 3 u ^ en *? er / fobalb er fommt. 
<£r fd?eint fid? eben md?t 311 uberetlen, 

<£r roar aud? tr>ofyl nid?t bet ber I}anb; nid?t gletd? 

1735 5 U ftnben. 

SalaMru 

Sd?tr>efterl Sd?tr>efter! 

ills ftiinbe bir etn Creffen nor. 

Satabin, 

Unb bas 
VPixt IDaffen, bte id? nid?t gelernt 3U fufyre'ru 
3d? foil mid? ftellen ; foil beforgen laffen ; 
Soli fallen legen; foil auf ©Iatteis fufyreru 

i 74 olDann f?dtf id? bas gefonnt? IDo Ijatt' id? bas 
(Selernt? — Unb foil bas alles, af?, wo$u? 
ID03U? — Urn 6elb 311 fifd?en; (Seib! — Urn <0elb, 
<5elb einem ^ubzn ab3ubangen; <0elb! 
<5u fold?en fleinen £iften xvdt id? enblid? 

1745 <£>ebr.ad?t, ber Kleinigfeiten f leinfte mir 
<gu fd?affen? 

3ebe Kleinigfeit, 3U fel?r 
Derfd?mdt?t, bie rdd?t fid?, Bruber, 



Salabttu 



Ceiber u>af?r* 



Hatfyan ber IDetfe. 173 

ttnb tr>enn nun biefer 3 u ^ e 3 ar ^er 9 u * e / 
Pernunft'ge ItTann tft, tote ber Dertoifcfy bir 
1750 3fyn ebebem befdjrieben? 

Stita^ 

© nun bann! 

VOas fyat es bann fur Hot! Die Scfylinge liegt 

3a nur bem gei3igen, beforglicfyen, 

^urd?tfamen 3 u ^ en: n ^ ^em suten, ntdjt 

Dem ireifen XTtanne* Diefer tft ja fo 
1755 Sd)on unfer, ofyne Scblinge* Das Dergnugen 

<?>u fyoren, rote ein foldjer ZTTann ftdj ausreb't; 

ZTtit toeldjer breiften Starf entioeber, er 

Die Stricfe fur3 3erreifet; ober aud? 

XUit tr>eld)er fcfylauen Dorfidjt er bie He^e 
i 7 6ot?orbei fid? roinbet: bies Dergniigen fyaft 

Du obenbrein. 

Salabtn, 

Hun, bas ift toafyr, (Bettnf ; 
3d} ft^eue mid} barauf, 

Bitta% 

So fann bid} ja 
2lud} toeiter nid}ts t>erlegen madjen, Denn 
3ft's einer aus ber ZHenge blof ; ift's blof 
1765 <£in 3 u ^e, B>ie e ™ 3 u ^ e : gegen ben 

JDirft bu bid) bod} nicfct fdjdmen, fo 311 fdjeinen 
JDie er bie HTenfdjen all fid} benft? Dielmefyr; 
IDer fid? ifym beffer 3eigt, ber 3eigt ftd? ifym 
ills ©ecf, als Harr, 

SalaMn, 

So muf id) ja tr>of)I gar 
i 7 7°Sd)led)t fyanbeln, bafe von mir ber Sd}Ied}te nidjt 
Sd}ied}t benfe? 



174 Hainan be r IDetfe. 

Craun ! tr>enn bu fd?led?t Ijanbeln nennfi, 
<£in jebes Ding nad? feiner 2trt 3U braud?en* 

Salabin* 

IDas t?dtf etn IDeiberfopf erbadjt, bas er 
Xcid?t 5U befd?onen tpuftel 

<?>u befd?onen! 

Salabiru 

1775 Das feine, fpii^e Ding, beforg' id? nur, 

3n meiner plumpen fjanb 5erbrid?t ! — So tt>as 
IDill ausgefiifyrt fein, trie's erfunben ift: 
ZTttt aUer pftffigfeit, <0etx>anbtt?eit — Dod?, 
ZTfag's bod? nur, mag's I 3^? * an 3 e / tt>ie id? fann; 

1780 Unb fount' es freilid?, lieber — fd?led?ter nod? 

2lls beffer* 

Stitaf}, 

Crau ? bir aud? nur nid?t 3U tr>enig! 
3d? ftef?e bir fur bid? ! IDenn bu nur roillft — 
Daf uns bie ZHdnner beinesgleidjen bod) 
So gern bereben mod?ten, nur il?r Sd?tt>ert, 
1785 3^? r Sd?trert nur fyabt fte fo roeit gebrad?t 
Der £otr>e fd?dmt fid? freilid?, toenn er mit 
Dem ^ud?fe jagt: — bes ^ud?fes, nid?t ber £tft« 

Salabim 

ttnb ba% bie IDeiber bod) fo gern b<^n ZITann 
<gu fid? f?erunter batten! — <5el? nur, get?! — 
179° 3^ glaube meine Seftion 3U fonnen* 

IDas? id? foil getjn? 






ZTatfyan ber IPeife. 175 

Salabin. 
Du roollteft bod? nid)t bleiben? 

IDenn aud? nid?t bletben.. ♦ tm ©efidjt eud? bletben — 
Dodj fyier tm Heben3tmmer — 

Salabtru 

Da 3U fyordjen? 

2tud? has nicfyt, Sdjtoefter; tpenn id) foil beftefyn* — 
1795 $ort, fort! ber Porfyang raufcfyt; er fommt ! — bod? ba% 
Du ja ntd?t ba rertoeilft ! 3^ f e ^ e nad). 

(3nbem fie (id? burd? bie eine £f]iir entfernt, trttt Hat^cm 3U ber 
artbern herein ; unb Salabin Ijat fid? gefet$t.) 



^finfter Jluftrttt. 
•Salabin unb Hainan. 

Salabtn* 

Crttt nether, 3 u ^ e I — Icdfyer ! — Hur gan3 fyer ! — 
Hur ofyne ^urcfyt! 

Die bleibe beinem ^einbe! 

Salabin. 

Du nennft bid? Hatfyan ? 

Hainan, 
3a. 

Salabin. 

Den tr>etfen Italian? 

natl\an. 

1S00 Xcein. 



176 Hainan ber XPetfe. 

Salabitt. 

lDof?l! nennft bu bid] md?t; nennt bid? bas Dolf, 

Hainan* 

Kann fein ; bas Dolf I 

SalaMn, 

Du glaubft bod? nid?t, 6af id? 
X)erdd?tlid? t>on bes Dolfes Stimme benfe? — 
3d? fyabt langft getDiinfd?t, ben Zltann 5U fennen, 
Den es ben IDeifen nennt 

Haitian. 

Unb roenn es il?n 
1805 gum Spott fo nennte? IDenn bem Dolfe toeife 
Xiid)ts roeiter tpdr' als flug? unb flug nur ber, 
Der fief? auf fetnen Dorteil gut t>erftef?t? 

Salabin. 

2tuf feinen u>af?ren Porteil, mexnft bu bod?? 

Uattian. 

Dann fretltd? tr>ar' ber (£tgennii^tgfte 

iSioDer Kliigfte* Dann roar' freilid? flug unb u>eife 

Hur eins* 

Salabtn* 

3d? f?qre bid? ertoetfen, tr>as 
Du tx>iberfpred?en ttnllft — Des 2Ttenfd?en toafyre 
Dorteile, Me bas Volt md?t fennt, fennft bu. 
£?aft bu 3U fennen toenigftens gefud?t; 
1815 £)aft briiber nadfQzbadft : bas aud? allein 
ITtadjt fd?on ben IDeifen* 



&u fetm 



Der fid? jeber bunfi 



Hainan be r We if e. 177 

Zalabin. 

Hun ber Befcbeibenfyeit genug! 
Denn fie nur immerbar ju fyoren, rr»o 
IHan trocfene Demunft ertr>artet, efelt (<Er fpringt auf.) 
!8 2 o £af uns 3ur Sadje f ommen ! 2tber, aber 
2tufrid)tig, 3 U ^'/ aufridjtig! 

Viattyan. 

Sultan, id) 
IDtll fidjerlid? bid) fo bebienen, baf 
3d? beiner fernern Kunbfdjaft tDiirbig bleibe* 

Salabin* 
Bebienen? rote? 

Hainan* 

Du folift bas Befte I?aben 

1825 Von allem ; folift es urn btn billtgften 

Prets fyaben. 

Salabtn* 

VDovon fpricbft bu? bod) tr>of)l nid)t 
X)on beinen IDaren? — 5d)ad?ern toirb mtt bir 
Sd)on meine Sd)toeftet\ (Das ber £)ord)erin !) — 
3d} fyabe mtt bem Kaufmann ntdjts 3U tfyun* 

Hainan. 

1830 So toirft bu ofyne <?>tx>eifel ttnffen tr>olIen, 
Was id} auf meirtem IDege t)on bem ^einbe, 
Der allerbing? ftd) toieber reget, etroa 
Bemerft, getroffen? — IDerm id) unperfyofylen , , 

Zalabin. 

2tud) barauf bin id) eben nid)t mit bir 
1835 ©efteuert. Qavon roeif id) fdjon, fo r>iel 
3d) uotig fyabe* — fturj; — 

Hainan, 

(Sebiete, Sultan* 



178 Zlattian ber XPetfe. 

Salabin. 

3d? l?eifd?e beinen Unterrid?t in gan$ 
Was anberm; gan3 teas anberm, — Da bu nun 
So toeife bift : fo fage mir bod) einmal — 
1840 Was fur ein (Slaube, u>as fur ein (5efet5 
fjat Mr am meiften eingeleudjtet? 

nat^an. 

Sultan, 

3d? bin ein 3 U ^* 

Salabin. 

Vinb id? ein ZTtufelmann* 
Der (Efyrtft ift 3tr>ifd?en uns, — Pen biefen brei 
Keligionen fann bod? eine nur 

1845 Die toafyre feuu — (Ein ITfann, tr>ie bu, bleibt ba 
Icid?t ftei?en, too ber ^ufall ^er <0eburt 
3f?n t?ingetr>orfen : ober roenn er bleibt, 
Bleibt er aus (Etnftdjt, ©riinben, Waty bes Beffern* 
IDofylan! fo teile beine (£infid?t mir 

1850 Denn mii £af mid? bie ©riinbe fyoren, bzmxx 
3d? felber nadftugrubeln, nid?t bie <?>eit 
<£>et?abt £af mid? bie XDafyl, bie biefe ©ritnbe 
Beftimmt, — t>erftei?t fid?, im Pertrauen — unffen, 
Damit id? fie 3U meiner mad?e. — XDie? 

1855 Du ftuijeft? toagft mid? mit bem 2luge? — Kann 
\ ZDofyl fein, ba% id? ber erfte Sultan bin, 
Der eine fold?e ©rille I?at; bie mid? 
Dod? eines Sultans eben nid?t fo gan3 
Unumrbig biinft — Hid?t roal?r? — So rebe bod?! 

iseoSprid?! — (Dber toillft bu einen 2tugenblicF, 

Did? 3U bebenfen? (Sut; id? geb' it?u bir, — 

(®b fie tr>of?l l?ord?t? 3^ totll fte bod) belaufd?en; 

IDill l?oren, ob id?'s red?t gemad?t, — ) Denf nad}\ 

<?5efd?tr>inb bent' nad) ! 3^? fSu'mc nid?t, suriicJ 

1865 <5u fommen- (<£r gefyt in has Hebet^tmmer, nad? tpelcfyem fid? 

Stttafy Wqcbtn.) 



XX a t fy a n b e r XP e if e. 1 7 o 

Sed?fter Ztuftritt 
Hat^an alletn. 

Hainan. 

f^m ! fym ! — trmnberlid? ! — H)ie ift 
ITTtr benn? — £Das roill ber Sultan? tr>as? — J^? bin 
Jluf ©elb gefaf t; uub er unit — XDaf?r£?eit H)at?rl?eit ! 
Unb trill fie fo, — fo bar, fo blanf, — als ob 
Die IPaL7rt?ett 2Xtun3e rodre ! — 3 a / n>enn nod? 

i8 7 oUralte ZHiinse, bie getrogen roarb! — 
Das ginge nod) ! ZCIIein fo neue ZTtiinse, 
Die nur ber Stempel mad?t, bie man aufs Brett 
Hur 5dfylen barf, bas ift fie bod} nun nid?t 1 
IDie ©elb in Sacf, fo ftrid?e man in Kopf 

1 8 75 2tud) IDaf?rI?eit ein? IDer ift b^nn fyter ber 3 u ^e? 
3d? ober er? — Dod? trie? Sollf er and} trofyl 
Die XDafyrfyeit nid?t in XDaf^rljeit forbern? — ^toar, 
<§tr>ar ber Derbad?t, ba$ er bie XDat?rI?eit nur 
211$ ^alle braud?e, roar' and) gar 5U f lein ! — 

1880 <gu f lein ? — H)as ift fur einen (Brof en benn 
<gu flein? — <£>ea>if, getxnf: er ftti^te mit 
Der C^fire fo ins ^ausl ITtan pod?t bod), bort 
Dod? erft, tr>enn man als ^reunb fid? nafyt. — J* mu t5 
Befyutfam getjn I — Unb trie? roie bas? — So gans 

i8s 5 Stodjube fein 5U tpollen, gebt fd?on nicbt — 
Unb gan3 unb gar nid?t 3 u ^e, gel>t nod? minber. 
Denn, toenn fein 3 u ^ e / biirff er mid? nur fragen, 
XDarum fein Zitufelmann? — Das rear's! Das fann 
2Ttid) retten ! — Hid?t bie Kinber blof , fpeift man 

i8 9 oITcit ZHdrcben ab. — (Er fommt (£r fomme nur! 



180 Ha t fy an be r IDetfe. 

Siebenter 2tuftriti 
Salabtn unb Hatfyan. 

SalaMit, 

(So ift bas ^elb f?ier rein !) — 3d? f omm' bir bod? 
Hidjt 3U gefd?tr>inb 3uriicf? Du bift 311 Kartbe 
ZTcit beiner Uberlegung* — Hun fo rebel 
(£s l?ort uns fetne Seele* 

UatVian. 

lTiod)V and) bod) 
1895 Die gart3e XDelt uns l?oren* 

Salabtn* 

So getxrif 
3ft Zcatt?an feiner Sad?e? f}a! bas nenn' 
3^? einen IDeifen ! Hie bie IDafyrfyeit 3U 
t)erfyet?len ! fur fie alles auf bas Spiel 
<5u fei§en! £eib unb £eben! (But unb Blut! 

Hainan, 

1900 3a! ja! toenn's notig ift unb nuiji 

SataMn. 

Don nun 
21 n barf id? ijoffert, einen meiner tEttel, 
Derbefferer ber XDelt unb bes (Befetjes, 
ZTtit 2£ed?t 3U fiifyrem 

Hainan. 

Craun, ein fdjoner tTitel 1 
Dod?, Sultan, ef?' id? mid? bir gait3 t>ertraue, 
1905 €rlaubft bu tx>of?l, bir ein <Sefd?id?tdxn 3U 
(£r3dl?len? 



Hainan 5er W eife. x gi 



Zalabin. 



IDarum bas nicfyt? 3d? ^ n fcte 
(Ein 5 reun ^ getr>efen von (£>efd?id)td?en, gut 
(Ersa^it. 

liatftan. 

3a, gut er3atjlen, bas ift nun 
VDol)l tbtn rneine Sadje nid?t. 

Salafcht* 

Sd?on toieber 
i 9 io So ftols befcfjetben ? — 2T£ad?M ersd^T, er3d£?Ie I 

Hainan. 

Dor grauen 3 a *? ren I^t' ein ITTann in (Dften, 
Der einen 2ving r>on unfcbdi^barem IDert 
2tus Heber £)anb befaf ♦ Der Stein roar ein 
©pal, ber fyunbert fd?one ^arben fpielte, 

i 9 i 5 Unb f?atte bie gefyeime Kraft, vov (Bott 
Unb 2TEenfd?en angeuef?m 3U macben, tr>er 
3n biefer ^utterftdjt if?n trug. VOas IDunber, 
X)af ifyn ber ZTTann in ©ften barum nie 
Dom finger lief ; unb bie Derftigung traf, 

1920 2tuf eroig it?n bei feinem ^aufe 3U 

(Erfyalten? Hdmlid? fo* (£r lief ben King 

Don feinen Sofyncn bem geliebtefteu ; 

Hub fei^te feft, baf biefer trneberum 

Den King von feinen Sofynen bem t)ermad?e, 

1925 Der it?m ber liebfte fei; unb ftets ber liebfte, 
(D£?u' 2lnfefyn ber ©eburt, in Kraft allein 
Des Kings, bas f)aupt, ber ^iirft bes ^aufes tr>erbe* 
Derftef? mid?, Sultan. 

Salabin. 

3d? tterftel?' bid?. IDeiter! 



1 82 Hattfau ber tPeife. 

n<xtty<xn. 

So fam nun biefer King, von Sobn 311 Sofyn, 

1930 2tuf einen Pater enblid? von brei Sofynen; 
Die alle brei ifym gleid? gefyorfam tparen, 
Die alle brei er folglicb gleid? 3U lieben 
Sid? nid?t entbred?en fonnte* Hur von <?>eit 
<^u 5eit fd?ien il?m balb ber, balb biefer, balb 

1935 Der britte, — fo rote jeber fid? mit if?m 
2tllein bzfanb, unb fein ergiefenb £?er3 
Die anbzvn 3tr>ei nid?t teilten, — ttmrbiger 
Des Hinges; ben er bmn and} einem jeben 
Die fromnxe Sd?tr>ad?I?eit f?atte, 311 t>erfpred?em 

1940 Das ging nun fo, folang' es ging* — 2lllein 
(£s fam 3um Sterben, unb ber gute Pater 
Kommt in Derlegenfyeii (Es fd?mer3t if?n, 3u>et 
Von feinen Sofynzn, bie fid? auf fein XDort 
Perlaffen, fo 3U frdnfen* — IDas ju tl?un ? — 

1945 <£r fenbet in get?eim 3U einem Kiinftler, 
Bei bem er, nad? bem ZTTufter feines Hinges, 
(5tt>ei anbere beftellt, unb roeber Koften 
Ziod) XHufye fparen t?eif t, fie jenem gleid?, 
Dollfommen gletd? 3U mad?en* Das gelingt 

1950 Dem Kiinftler. Da er ifym bie Hinge bringt, 
Hann felbft ber Pater feinen ZHufterring 
Hidjt unterfd?eiben, $vofy unb freubig ruft 
<£r feine Sot?ne, jeben insbefoubre; 
(Siebt jebem insbefonbre feinen Segen, — 

1955 Unb feinen Hing, — unb fiirbt — Du fyorft bod], Sultan? 

Zalabin (ber fid? betroffen von xfyn geroanbt). 

3d? f?or', id? I?ore ! — *Komm mit beinem IfTdrcfyen 
Hur balb ju fcnbz. — XPirb's? 

Haitian. 

3d) bin 3U (£nbe. 



Xlatltan ber IDeife. ^3 

Denn tr>as nod} folgt, r»erfte£?t fid? ja Don felbft — 
Kaum roar ber Pater tot, fo fommt ein jeber 
i960 Ktit fetnem King; unb jeber rot II ber ^flrft 
Des I^aufes fetn* ITian unterfudjt, man janft, 
Ulan flagi Umfonft; ber redjte King tr>ar nidjt 
<£rtr>eislid? ; — 
(na<fy enter paufe, in tr>eld?er er bes Sultans 2Intn>ort ertpartet) 

faft fo unertr>eislidj, als 
Uns jei§t — ber recite (Slaube- 

Salafcin* 

JDte? bas foil 
1965 Die 2lnttr>ort fein auf metne ^rage? . . * 

Haitian. 

SoU 
VTixd) blof entfdmlbigeu, tt>enn xd} bie Kinge, 
ZTCtr ntdjt getrau' 5U unterfdjeiben, bie 
Der Pater in ber 2tbftd?t madden lief, 
Damit fie nidjt 5U unterfdjeiben tr>dren* 

Salabin. 

1970 Die Kinge 1 — Spiele nid)t mit mir ! — 3^? bad)te, 
Daf bte Keligionen, bie id? bir 
(Senannt, bod} tr>ofyI §u unterfcbeiben rodren. 
Bis auf bte Kleibung; bis auf Speif unb tCranfl 

IXattian. 

Unb nur von Setten ifyrer (Sriinbe ntcfyt. — 
1975 Denn griinben alle fid? n\d)i auf (Sefcfyidjte ? 
(Sefdjrieben ober liberliefert! — Unb 
(Sefd}id)te muf bod} rcofyl allein auf tEreu' 
Unb (Slauben angenommen rcerben? — Htdjt? — 
Hun tceffen Creu' unb (Slauben 3tefyt man benn 
1980 21 m roemgften in <?)U)eifeI? Dod) ber Seinen? 
Dod) beren Blut urir ftnb? bod? beren, bte 



184 Zt a tl\ an ber IDetfe. 

Port Kinbfyeit an uns Proben ifyrer £iebe 
(Segeben? Me uns nie getdufcfyt, als too 
(Setdufcfyt 3u tperben uns fyeilfamer roar? — 

1985 VOu fann id? meinen Pdtern tr>eniger, 

2tls bu ben beinen glauben? ©ber umgefefyrt, — 
Hann id) von Mr rerlangen, ba% bu beine 
Porfafyren £tigen ftrafft, um metnen nidjt 
<5u tt>iberfpred)en ? (Dber urngefefyrt 

1990 Das ndmltdje gilt von btn Cfyrtften* Icicfjt? — 

Salabin. 

(Bet bem £ebenbigen ! Der XHann fyat redjt 
3d? mu§ t>erftummem) 






Hainan* 

£af auf unfre Hing' 
Uns tpteber fommen* IDte gefagt: Me Sofyne 
Perflagten fid?; unb jeber fcfytour bem Hicfyter, 

1995 Unmittelbar aus feines Paters f}anb 

Den Hing 5U fyaben* — IDie and) voal)t I — Icad)bem 
(£r von ifym lange bas Perfpredjen fdjon 
©efyabt, bes Singes Porred?t einmal 5U 
(Beniefen* — JDie nidjt minber toafyr! — Der Pater, 

2000 Beteu'rte jeber, fonne gegen tfyn 

Icid?t falfcfy getr>efen fein; unb elf er Mefes 
Pon ifym, t>on einem folcfyen lieben Pater, 
2trgrootjnen laff: elf muff er feine Briiber, 
So gern er fonft Don ifynen nur bas Befte 

2005 Bereit 3U glauben fei, bes falfdjen Spiels 
Be3eifyen ; unb er roolle bie Perrdter 
Scfyon aus3ufinben uriffen; ftd? fdjon rddjen* 

Balabin. 

Unb nun, ber Hidjter? — VTixd) t>erlangt 311 fyoren, 
VOas bu ben Hicfyter fagen Idffeft Sprid) I 



ZXatfyan 6er IDcife. 185 

Vlatlian. 

5010 Der Hid)ter fprad? : IDenn ifyr mir nun ben Pater - 
Htcfyt balb 3ur Stelle fcftafft, fo tpetf id? eud) 
Ton meinem Stufyle* Denft ifyr, ba$ id} Hdtfel 
^u lofen ba bin? (Dber garret ifyr, 
Bis ba% ber redjte King ben ZTTunb eroffne? — 

2015 Dodj E^alt ! 3^ fy° re i a / ^er ^^d?te Hing 
Beftijt bie IPunberfraft, beliebt 5U madden; 
Dor <5ott unb ZTTenfcfyen angenefym- Das muf 
(£ntfd?eiben ! Denn bie falfd?en Hinge roerben 
Dod) bas nidjt fonnen ! — Hun; roen lieben 3tpei 

2020 Von eud? am meiften? — ITTadjt, fagt an ! 3^ r fd?tr>eigt? 
Die Hinge ttnrfen nur suriicE? unb nidjt 
Had) aufen? 3 e ^ er Kekt fi&) fel&e* nur 
2Jm meiften? — (D fo feib 3fy r a ^ e k re * 
Betrogene Betriiger! (£ure Hinge 

2025 Sinb alle brei nidjt edjt Der edjte Hing 
Permutlidj ging perloren* Den Perluft 
<gu bergen, 3U erfei§en, lief ber Pater 
Die brei fur einen madjen. 

Zalabin. 

f^errlid} ! fyerrlid? ! 

natfyan. 

Unb alfo; fufyr ber Hicfyter fort, roenn ifyr 
2o 3 oHid)t meinen Hat, ftatt meines Sprucfyes, roollt : 
(Befyt nur! — ZTEeiu Hat ift aber ber: ifyr nefymt 
Die Sadoz r>6Uig trie fie liegi £}at von 
(£ud? jeber feinen Hing r»on feinem Pater: 
So glaube jeber fidjer feinen Hing 
2035 Den edjten. — UToglid) ; ba% ber Pater nun 
Die Cyrannei bes einen Hings nid)t langer 
3n feinem £?aufe bulben roollen ! — Unb getr>i§; 
Daf er eudj alle brei geliebt, unb gleicfy 



186 rcatfyan ber IDctfe. 

(Seliebt: inbem er 3tr>ei nicfyt bviidm mogen, 
2040 Urn einen 3U begiinftigen, — XDofyan ! 

<£s eifre jeber fetner unbeftodjnen 

Don Dorurteilen freien £iebe nadjl 

<£s ftrebe r>on eud? jeber um Me IDette, 

Die Kraft bes Steins in feinem King an tTag 
2045 <5u legen ! fomme biefer Kraft mit Sanftmut, 

2T£it fyerslicfter Dertrdglidjfeit, mit IDofyltfyun, 

ZTTit innigfter €rgebenfyeit in (Bott, 

<?ju £}tlf ! Hnb roenn fid? bann ber Steine Kraft? 

Bei euern Kinbes=Kinbesfinbern dufern: 
2050 So lab' id} iiber taufenb taufenb 3 a ^ re r 

Sie roieberum r»or biefen StufyL Da trnrb 

(£in roeifrer ZTTann auf biefem Stufyle ft^en, 

2tls id) ; unb fprecfyen* (Sefyt ! — So fagte ber 

Befdjeibne Hidjter* 

Salabin. 

(Sottl (Sott! 

Salabxn^ ' 
2055 IDenn bu bid? fufyleft, biefer toeifere 
Derfprodjne IHann 5U fein : ♦ ♦ ♦ 

Salabin 

(ber auf ifyn 3uftiir3t unb feme fyanb ergretft, bte er bis 
3U <£nbe rricfyt tpteber fabren lagt). 

2d} Staub? 3d) Tcid^ts? 
<£> <0ott! 

Hainan* 

IDas ift bir, Sultan? 

Salabin. 

Hatfyan ! lieber Hatfyan ! — 
Die taufenb taufenb 3 a *? re beines Kidjters 






Hatfyan ber IPeife. ^7 

Stnb nod) nid)t urn — Sein &id)terftuf)l ift mdjt 
2060 Dor metric — (Sefy ! — (Sefy ! — 2lber fet meirt ^reunb. 

nattyan. 

Unb toeiter fydite Salabtn mir nid?ts 
<?>u fagen? 



rctdjts. 



SalaMru 

Hat^atu 

Hid?ts? 

SalaMru 

©ar nid?ts* — Unb tsarum? 

Uatfyan. 

3d? fettle nod) ©elegenfyeit getrtinfdjt, 
Dir eine Bitte rorsutragen. 

SalaMru 

Braud?t's 
2065 (Selegenfyeit 5U einer Bitte? — Hebe! 

natbatu 

jd) Eomm' t>on einer toeiten Keif, auf tt>eld?er 
3d? Sdnilben eingetrieben* — ^aft fyab' id) 
Des baren ©elbs 511 rieL — Die <geit beginnt 
Bebenflid? toieberum 3U roerben; — unb 
2070 3d) roeif nicbt recbt, xvo ficber bamit fyin. — 
Da ba&ft' id), ob nicbt bu pielleicbt, — roeil bod} 
(£in naber Krteg bes ©elbes immer mebr 
(£rforbert, — ettoas braucben fonnteft 

SalaMn (tbm ftetf in bte 2Iugen febenb). 

Uatban! — 
3d? trill nicbt fragen, ob 2ll=^afi fd?on 



188 Zlatfyan ber IPetfe. 

2075 Bet btr getoefen ; — trull ntdjt unterfudjen, 

(Db bid} nidft fonft etn 2lrgtr>ol)n. tretbt, mtr btefes 
(£rbteten freterbtngs 3U tfyun : ♦ ♦ . 

Hainan* 

(£tn Jtrgtoofyn? 

Salabin. 

3d) bin if?n roert — De^etl) mtr 1 — Denn was fytlft's? 

3d) muf btr nur geftefyen, — baf id? tm 

2080 Begrtffe roar — 

Hainan. 

Dock) nid)t, bas ndmltd)e 
Tin mid) 3U fud)en? 

SalaMn, 

2lllerbings, 

nattian. 

So tr>dr' 

Uns beiben ja gefyolfen I — Daf id) aber 
Dir alle meine Barfd)aft nid)t fann fd)icfen, 
Das mad)t ber juuge Cempelfyerr* — Du fenftft 

2085 3fy n i a - — 3^ m fy a & ^ e * ne 3 ro 1? e P°ft 
Porfjer nod) 311 be3afylen* 

Salabin* 

Cempelljerr? 
Du urirft bod) metne fdjlimmften ^einbe ntdjt 
Ilttt betnem <5elb and} unterftti^en roollen? 

3d) fpred)e ron bem etnen nur, bem bu 
2090 Das £eben fparteft . ♦ . 

Salabin. 

211) ! tooran erinnerft 



H a than ber ID etfe. i8g 

X)u mid? ! — £)aV id? bod) biefen Jangling 9 a ^5 
Dergeffen ! — Kennft bu if?n? — VDo ift er? 

Hainan* 

JDie? 

So roetf t bu nid?t, roiemel von beiner <£>nabz 
$i\v if?n, burd? il?n auf mid) gefloffen? (£r, 
2095 <£r mit ©efai?r bes neu erfyaltnen £ebens, 
£?at meine tEod?ter aus bem ^eu'r gerettet 

Salafcitu 

(Er? £)at er bas? — £}a ! barnad? fai? er aus* 
Das fydtte traun mein Bruber and) getfyan, 
Z)em er fo dfynelt! — 3ft w bertn nod) i?ier? 

2100 So bring' tfyn E?er 1 — 3^? I? a ^ e meiner Sd?tr>efter 
Von biefem ifyrem Bruber, ben fte nid?t 
(Befannt, fo riel erjd^let, ba$ id} fte 
Seiu (£benbilb bod? aud? muf fef?en laffen ! — 
(Befy, J?oT tt?n ! — IDie aus einer guten ^at, 

2105 (Bebar fie aud? fd?on blof e £eibenfd?aft, 
Dod? fo Diel anbre gute tTfyaten fliefen ! 
©el?, f?of it?n! 

Hatban (inbem er Salabtns Banb fabren lagt). 

2Iugenblicfs ! Unb bei bem anbern 
Bleibt es bod? aud?? (21b.) 

2XE? ! baf id? meine Sd?trejtcr 
Hid?t t?ord?en laffen ! — ^u if?r ! 5U ifyr ! — Denu 
2noIDie foil id? alles bas it?r nun erjdblen? 

(2lb von ber anbem Sette.) 



igo rcatfycnt ber IDetfe. 



2ld?ter 2Iuftrttt. 

(Die Scene: unter bzn palmen, in ber Hafye bes Klofters, tro 
ber dempelfyerr Zlatfyans tpartet.) 

(gefyt, mit fid? felbft fampfenb, auf unb ab ; bis er losbrtd?t). 

— f^ter bait bas (Dpfertier ermiibet ftilL — 
Hun gut! 3^ ma 9 ntdjt, mag nid?t ndl?er ttnffen, 
JDas in mir porgefyt; mag t>oraus nid?t trnttern, 
2Das t)orgel?n urirb* — ©enug, id? bin umfonft 

2115 ©eflofyn 1 umfonft. — Hub rreiter fount' id) bod? 
2tud? nid?ts, als fliet?n ! — Hun f omm', tr>as f ommen foil ! — 
3b m aus3ubeugen, wax ber Streid? ju fd?nell 
befallen; unter ben 3U fommen, id? 
So lang' unb r>iel mid} tr>eigerte. — Sie fef?n, 

2120 Die id? 3U febn fo tuemg liiftern roar, — 
Sie iefyu, unb ber (£ntfd?luf, fte txneber aus 
Den 2tugen nie 3U laffen — VOas €ntfd?lu§? 
(£ntfd?luf ift Dorfatj, Cbat: unb id), id? titt, 
3d? litte blof • Sie febn, unb has (Sefiif?!, 

2125 2tn fie Derftricft, in fie vtxvotbt 5U fein, 

IDar eins. — Bleibt eins* — Von il?r getrennt 

<gu leben, ift mir gan3 unbenfbar; roar' 

IHein &ob, — unb too ttnr immer nad? bem 1£obt 

Hod) ftnb, aud? ba mein &oh. — 3ft bas nun £iebe: 

2130 So — liebt ber tEempelritter freilid?, — liebt 
Der (£b r ift bas 3ubenmdbd?en freilid?. — §m ! 
IDas tfyut's? — 3^? § a & in bem gelobten Hanbe, — 
Unb brum aud? mir gelobt auf immerbar! — 
Der Dorurteite mel?r fd?on abgeiegt — 

2135 IDas rp ill mein (Drben aud?? 3$ Cempelf?err 
Bin tot; roar von bem 2tugenblicf ibm tot, 
Der mid? 3U Salabins <£>efangnen mad?te* 



Hatfyan ber IPetfe. igi 

Der Kopf, ben Salabin mir febenfte, mar' 
lUcxn alter? — 3f* e * n neucr ; ^er r>on client 

2 i 4 oZcicbts meif. mas jenem eingeplaubert marb, 
Was jenen banb* — Unb tft cm beffrer; fiir 
Den t>dterlid?en ^immel mefyr gemacbh 
Das fpiir' id) ja* Denn erft mit it?m beginn' 
3cfj fo 3U benfen, roie metn Pater bier 

2145 ©ebacbt muf fyabzn; menu man 2Tfdrd>en nicfyt 
Don ifym mir porgelogen. — XTcdrcbeu ? — bod} 
<2>an3 glaublicbe; bie glaubltdjer mir me, 
2tls jei§t gefebienen, ba icb nur (Sefafyr 
<gu ftraucbeln laufe, mo er fteL — (£r ftel? 

2150 3^? anU m ^ ITcdnnern lieber fallen, als 

ZHit 2{inbern ftebm — Sein Beifpiel biirget mir 
^iir feinen BcifalL Unb an meffen Bcifall 
£iegt mir benn fonft? — 21 rt Hatbans? — CD an beffen 
<£rmuntrung mebr, als Beifall, fann es mir 

2155 Hod? meniger gebrecbem — IDelcb ein 3 u ^e! — 
Unb ber fo gan3 nur 3 u ^e febeinen tr>ill ! 
Da fommt er; fommt mit f>aft ; gliibt beitre ^reube< 
XDer fam r>om Salabin je anbers? — f)e! 
^e, Hatfyan! 

Heunter 2tuftritt. 
Hatfyan unb ber Cempel^err. 

XDie? feib 3*?r's? 

£empeifyert\ 

3fc t)abt 

2i6oSet)r lang' (£ucfy bei bem Sultan aufgefyaltem 

n<xtl\an. 

So lange nun mobl ntdjt. 3^? tparb im f^ingefyn 



i^2 Zlatfyan ber IDetfe. 

<§u t>iel rertoeilL — 2tt?, tr>afyrlid) Kurt; ber XTTann 
Stefyt feinen 2?ufym, — Sein Kufym iff blof fein Sdjattetu- 
Dod? laft vox alien Dingen (£ucfy gefcfyroinb 
2165 Hur fagen , ♦ ♦ 

H)as? 

Hainan, 

€r rotll (£ucfy fprecfyen ; tr>ill, 
Qa$ ungefdumt 3^ r 3 U ify m fommt. Begleitet 
ZHidj nur nad) fjaufe, wo \d\ nod} fur ifyn 
(£rft ettpas anbers 3U rerfiigen £?abe : 
Unb bann, fo gefyn urir. 

<Zetnpeltjert\ 

Hainan, (£uer fyxus 
2170 Betret' id? toieber efyer nicfyt * . • 

VLattian. 

So feib 

3fyr bod) tubes fd)on ba getoefeu? fyabt 

3nbes fie bod} gefprochen ? — Hun? — Sagt,: tt)ie 

(SefdUt (£ud? Hed?a? 

^etnpelljerr* 

• »♦ 

liber alien 2lusbrucf! — 

2tUein, — fie toieberfefyn — bas tuerb' \d) nie I 

2175 Hie! nie I — 3^ r ntiiftet mir 3ur Stelle benn 

Derfpredjen : — ba% id} fie auf immer, immer — 

Soli fonneu fefyn, 

Haitian. 

ZDie tr>ollt 3^? r / ^ a f id? bas 
Perftef?"? 

Sempelfyerr 

(nad? einer fu^en paufe ifym plotjlid? um ben E)a Is faflenb). 

ZTtein Pater! 



Hat ban ber IPetfe. 193 

natVian. 

— 3 un 9 er 2Xfonn! 

tlempelfyerr (ifyn ebertfo pfo^lid? trteber laffenb). 

Ictdjt Sofyn? — 
2d\ bitt' (Eudj, Hainan! 

nation. 

£ieber junger XHann! 

tlempelfyerr* 

2180 Iciest Sofyn ? — 3^? bitt' (Eucfy, Hatfyan ! — 3^ befdjtDor' 
(£ud? bet ben erften Banben ber Hatur ! — 
<?)tefyt ifynen fpdtre ^effeln bod} nid}t vovl — 
Begniigt (£ud? bod? ein ITtenfd? 311 fein ! — Stoft mid? 
ITidjt pon <£ud) ! 

Uattian. 

£ieber, lieber ^reunb I ♦ ♦ . 

£empelf}err* 

Unb Sotjn? 

2185 Sofyn ntdjt? — 2tudj bann nidjt, bann nidjt einmal, tuenu 

(£rfenntlid?feit 3um fjersen (£urer tEodjter 

X)er £iebe fcfton ben £Deg gebafynet fydtte? 

2tudj bann nidjt einmal, irenn in etns 311 fdjmei3en 

2tuf (£uern IDinf nur beibe toarteten? — 

2190 3*? r fcfytoeigt? 

Hainan* 

3^ iiberrafdjt mid?, junger Hitter* 

€etnpell>err* 

3d? iiberrafdj' (£ud?? — uberrafd/ (£ud), Icatfyan, 
ZTtit (£uern eigenen (Sebanfen? — 3*? r 
Perfennt fie bodj in meinem ZHunbe nicfyt? — 
3dj iiberrafefy' (£ucfy? 



194 Hatfyctn ber IDeife. 

Hainan. 

(£fy id? einmal tretf, 
2195 IDas fur etn 5tauffen (£uer Pater beun 
<Setr>efen tft! 

ZDas fagt 3*? r / Hatban? u>as? — 
3n biefem 2lugenbltde f iit?lt 3^ ntcbts, 
2lls Iceubegter? 

natfyan. 

Denn fefyt! 3d? ^abz felbft 
IDofyl einert Stauffen efyebem gefannt, 
2200 Der Konrab fytef* 

Sempeltjerr. 

Hun — tx>enn mein Pater benn 
Hun ebenfo gefyeifen fydtte? 

Hainan. 

ZDatjrlid? ? 

Sempeltjerr* 

3d? beife felber ja nad? metnem Pater: Kurt 
3ft Konrab, 

Hainan. 

Hun — fo tr>ar metn Konrab bod) 
Zcicfyt (£uer Pater. J)^nn mein Konrab roar, 
2205 Was 3fy r i rDar ^etnpelfyerr ; roar nie t>ermdfylt 

(D barum! 

Haitian. 

IDte? 

2empeli}eft\ 

CD barum fount' er bod? 
ZTtein Pater woifl getr>efen fein* 



Hatfyan ber IDetfe. jo^ 

Zlattyan. 

£empell}ert\ 

Hub 3^? r nefymt's tuafyrlid) 5U genau ! — Was roar's 
Denn nun? So was von Baftarb ober BanfertI 

2210 Der Scblag ift aucfy nid)t 311 t>erad)ten* — Dod) 
(gutlaft mid) immer meiner 2tfyncnprobe. 
ji? trill (£ud) (£urer txrieberum entlaffen. 
Iciest sroar, als ob id) ben geringften ^roetfel 
3n (Euern Stammbaum folate. (Bott befyrite! 

2215 3^ r fount it)n Blatt t>or Blatt bis 2lbrat)am 
£)inauf belegen* Unb von ba fo tr>eiter, 
IDeig id) t£jn felbft; urill id) ifyn felbft befd)tr>oren* 

Hainan* 

3b^ toerbet bitter. — Dod) t>erbien' id)'s? — Sd)lug 
^>d) benn £ud) fd)on was ab? — 3^ ^ill Cud} ja 
22 2oIcur bei bem IDorte nid)t bzn 2tugenblicf 
So faffen. — XPeiter nid)ts. 



(D fo t>ergebtl 



Zempeltievv. 

<£>etr>if? — Zltdjts tpeiter? 

natt\an. 

Hun fommt nur, fommt ! 



^etnpei^err. 

Wofyn? 

Heinl — 2TTtt in (£uer I}aus? — Das nid)t ! Das nicbt! — 
Dabrennt's! — 3^? rotll (£ud) fyier ertr>arteu* <£>el)t! — 
25 Soli id) fie tuieberfebn : fo feE? 7 id) fie 
Ziod) oft genug* XDo nid)t: fo fat) id) fie 
Sd)on mel 5U ptel . ♦ . 

Hainan. 

3d) ttrill mid) moglicfyft eilen* 



196 Ha tfy an be r lX>etfe 

<gei}uter 2Iuftriti 
Der dempelfyerr unb balb barauf X)aja. 

Sd}on mefyr als g'nug ! — Des XTTenfcfyen £)irn faft fo 
Unenblid} t>iel; unb ift bod) mancfymal aud} 

2230 So ploijlid} voU ! t>on einer Kleinigf eit 

So ploi§lid} t>oll! — tEaugt nidjts, taugt nid}ts; es fei 
2lud} roll troDon es trulL — Docfo nur (Sebulb! 
Die Seek txrirft ben aufgebunf nen Staff 
Balb ineinanber, fcfyafft ftd} Haum, unb £id}t 

2235 Unb (Drbnung fommen toieber* — £ieb' id} benn 
<5um erftenmale? — (Dber roar, teas id} 
2lls £iebe fenne, £iebe nid}t? — 3ft £tebe 
Hur tx)as id} jei§t empfinbe? ♦ ♦ ♦ 

3aja (bie (id? t?on ber Sette ^erbetgefd^ltd^en). 

Hitter! Hitter! 
£empeU}ert\ 

IDer ruft? — £)a, Daja, 3fyr? 

3d? I}abe mid} 
2240 Bei ifym t>orbei gefd}lid}en, 2Iber nod} 

Konnt' er uns fefyn, tpo 3^ r ^a ftefyt, — Drum fommt 
Vod) ndfyer 3U mir, fyinier biefen Baum. 

£empelt}ert\ 

IDas giebt's benn? — So gefyeimnist>oll? — IDasift's? 

3a ifobl betrifft es ein (Sefyeimnis, roas 
22 45 Xrcid} 5U (£ud} bringt; unb jicar ein boppeltes* 



Hatty an be r XDetfe. 197 

Das eine tx>eif nur id) ; bas anbre tr>if t 
Hur 3fyr. — 2Die roar' es, toenn toir taufdjten? 
Dertraut mir (Euers; fo rertrau' id} (£ud? 
Das meine* 

tZempell}ert\ 

2T£it Pergniigen, — JDenn id? nur 
2250 (£rft toeif, tr>as 3^ r f^ r nreines adjtei Dod? 
Das toirb aus (Euerm voofyl erfyellem — ^angt 
Hur immer an. 

(Ei benf t 6od) I — Hein, £)err Hitter : 
<£rft 3^ r 5 i<fy f ol^e. — Denu rerftdjert, mein 
(Befyeimnis fann (End? gar nid)ts niiijen, roenn 

2255 3^? n ^t juror bas (Sure fyabe* — Hur 

(Befdjtoinb ! — Derm frag' id/s (£ud) erft ab : fo fyabt 
3^r nid)ts rertraueh Klein (Befyeimnis bann 
Bleibt mein ©efyeimnis ; unb bas (£ure feib 
3f?t: los. — Qod) armer Kilter! — Daf t^r Htdnner 

2260 (Etn fold? ©efyeimnis r»or uns JDeibern t?aben 
<5u fonnen, aucfy nur glaubt! 

{Xempelt}ert\ 

Das tr>ir 3U fyabtn 
©ft fetbft nid?t uriffen. 

Hann rootjl fetn. Drum muf 
3d) freilid? erft, <£udj felbft bamit befannt 
<?>u madden, fcfyon bie ^reunbfd^aft fyabtn. — Sagt: 

2265 IPas fyicf benu bas, ba$ 3*? r f° Knall unb ^alt 
(£ud) aus bem Staube madjtet? ba% 3^ r uns 
So fiijen liefet? — ba% 3^ r nun m ^ Hatfyan 
Hid)t roieberfommt? — f}at 2Zzd)a benn fo roenig 
2Iuf (Eudj getoirft? tt)ie ? ober aud), fo r>iel? — 

«2 7 o£o x>iel 1 fo tnel! — £efyrt 3fy r ^ airmen Dogels, 



198 Hatfyan ber IDetfe. 

Der an ber Kute flebt, (Beflattre mid) 
Dod? fennen! — Kurj: geftefyt es mir nur gleid?, 
Q a % 3*? r f* e K*&t/ liebt bis 3um Unfinn ; unb 
3d? fag' (£ud? tr>as . . . 

5um Unftnn? IDafyrlid?; 3fy r 
2 2 75 Derftefyt (£ud? trefflid? brauf, 

Xlnn gebt mir nur 

Die £iebe ju; ben Unftnn trill id? (£ud? 

Crlaffen. 

<£empelfyert\ 

IDeil er fid? t>on felbft t>erftei?t? — 
<£in Cempelfyerr ein ^nbenmabdti^n lieben ! ♦ . • 

Da\a. 

Sd?eint freilid? trenig Sinn 511 fyabzn. — Dod? 
32 8o ^uroeilen ift bes Sinns in einer Sad?e 

Tlnd) mefyr, als tt>ir t>ermuten; unb es trdre 
So unert?ort bod) nid?t, ba% uns ber £)eilanb' 
2tuf IDegen 3U fid? 3oge, bie ber Kluge 
Von felbft nid?t leid?t betreten trmrbe. 

Das 
2285 So feterlid? ? — (Unb fets' id? ftatt bes £)eilanbs 

Die Dorfid?t: f?at fte bann nid?t red?t? — ) 3*? r mad?t 
VTixd) neubegieriger, als id? tr>ol?l fonft 
<§u fein getr>of?nt bin* 

CD! bas ift bas £anb 
Der IDunber! 

{Zempeltierv. 

(Hun ! — bes IPunberbaren* Hann 









Xiatban bcr tDetfe. 199 

2290 <£s and} toofyl anbers fein? Die gan3e JDelt 
Drdttgt fid) ja t?ier 3ufammen.) — £iebe Daja, 
Hefymt fur geftanbert an, roas 3^ r ferlangt: 
Daf id? fie liebe; ba% id) nid)t begreife, 
IDie ofyne fie id? leben toerbe; ba$ ♦ ♦ ♦ 

2 2 95 (SetDif? <5etr>if? — So fcfttrort mir, Kilter, fte 
<gur (Eurigen 3U macben; fie 3U retten; 
Sie 3eitlid) f)ier, fie etoig bort 3U rettetu 

Urtb trie? — IDie fanrt id}? — Kanrt id) fd)tr>oren, was 
3n meiner 2Ttad)t nidjt ftefyt? 

$a\a. 

3n Surer ZHadjt 

2 3 ooStet}t es. 3^? feeing' es burd) ein ein3ig XDort 

3n (£ure 2T£ad)t 

€empelfyert\ 

Daf felbft ber Pater nidjts 
Datoiber f)dtte? 

Daia. 

<£t, toas Dater! Pater! 
Der Dater foil fd)on mtiffett* 

^empelfyert\ 

ZTtuffett, Daja ? — 
Hod? ift er unter Hduber nid)t gefallen* — 
2305 €r muf nid)t mtiffett. 

Daja. 

Hurt, fo muf er toollert; 
XTtuf gern am Sttbe tpollen. 

^empelt}err* 

2Xtu£ unb gertt ! — 



200 Hatfyan ber IDeife. 

Pod), Daja, toenn tcf? (£ud) nun fage, 6af 
3d) felber biefe Sail' ifym an3ufd)lagen 
Bereits t>erfud)t? 

VOas? unb er fiel nid)t etn? 
^empelljerr* 

2310 (Er fiel mit einem ZTltf laut etn, ber mid) — 

Beleibtgte* 

Daja* 

VOas fagt 3^r? — VOu? 3fyr battel 
Qzxx Sd)atten eines IDunfdjes nur nad) &ed)a 
3^m bltcfen laffen : unb er roar' vox ^reuben 
Hid)t aufgefprungen ? fyatte froftig ftd) 
23 i 5 5uru(Jge3ogen? fydtte Sd)tt>ierigfetten 
<£>emad)t? 

So ungefdfyr* 

Daja, 

So will id) benn 
2T£td) langer feinen 2tugenblic? bzbzxxUn — (panfe). 

Vinb 3t?r bebenft (£ud) bod)? 

Daja, 

Der m<mn tft fonft 
So gut! — 3^? felber bin fo r>iel ifym fdjulbig! — 
2320 Daf er bod) gar nid)t fyoren txnll ! — ©otl roetf , 
Das fjerse blutet mir, ifyn fo 3U 3tt>ingeu. 

3d) bitt' (£ud), Daja, fetst mid) fur3 unb gut 



23 a tlj an ber IPctfe. 201 

Tins biefer Ungeurijjfyett* Seib 3*? r a ^er 
Xlod) felber ungeunf; ob, tr>as 3^ r sorfyabt, 
2325 ©ut ober bofe, fcbdnblicfy ober loblid) 

<5u nennen : — fcbrceigt ! 3^ t^ill rergeffen, ba% 
3fyr ettoas 3a Derfcfyu>etgen fyabt. 

Das fporrtt 
2Inftatt 3U fatten. XTun ; fo urigt beun : 2?ed)a 
3ft feine 3^ n 5 if* — ift eine (Lfyrtfttn. 

£empelberr (fait). 

233 oSo? rDunfd?'(£ud} (Sliicf! flat's farcer gebalten ? £agt 
(Eucfy nicbt bie IDefyen fcfyrecfen ! — ^abret ja 
ZHit <£tfer fort, ben £)immel 3U bepolfern, 
XDenn 3*? r ^ie ^^ ntdjt meljr fount! 

Da\a. 

3Die, Hitter? 
Perbienet meine Hacfyricbt biefen Spott? 
2335 Da£ Heci)a eine Cfyriftin ift : bas freuet 
(Eucfy, einen (Ebriften, einen tTempelfyerrn, 
Der 3^ r f* e Itebt, nicfyt mef;r? 

^empelb w ert\ 

Befonbers, ba 

Sie eine Cfyriftin ift von (£urer XUadje* 

211} ! fo rerftefyt 3*? r ' s ? ^° stag's gelten I — Icein I 
2340 Den roill id) fefyn, ber bie befefyren foil ! 

3br (Slucf ift, langft 3U fein, was fte 3U toerben 
Derborbeu ift. 

Seinpelljerr, 

(grflart (£ud), ober — gefytl 



202 Zlatt\an ber XDeife. 

Sie ift cin (£I?rtftenfinb ; von (Efyrifteneltern 
(Beboren ; ift getauft ♦ ♦ . 

{Zetnpelfyerr (fyaftig). 

Unb Zcatfyan? 

Htd?t 

2345 3^ r better! 

<Zempelt}evtr* 

Hatfyan nidjt ifyr Pater? — XDt^t 
3fyr, was 3^ fagtP 

Die IDafyrfyeit, bie fo oft 
irtidj bluf ge tEfyrdnen tr>einen macfyen* — Xcein, 
<£r ift it?r Pater nicfyt ♦ . . 

Sempelljerr* 

Unb fydtte fie, 
211s feine tEocfyter nur ersogen? fydtte 
2350 Das Cfyriftenfinb als eine 3ubin f^ 
(grsogen? 

(Sans gettnf . 

£empelt}e*i\ 

Sie tpfigte nicfyt, 
IDas fie geboren fei? — Sie fydtt' es nie 
Von tfym erfafyren, baf fte eine Cfyriftin 
(Beboren fei, unb feine 3ubin? 

Daja. 

Hie! 



Zlatfyan ber IDeife. 203 

^empelberr* 

2355 £r fydtt' in biefem IDafyne nidjt bas *Kinb 
Blof aufer3ogen? lief bas ZHdbdjen nod? 
3n biefem H)af?ne? 

£eiber ! 

tZempet^err* 

Ztatljan — ICte ? - 
Der tr>eife gute Hainan £?dtte fid) 
(£rlaubt, bie Stimme ber Hatur fo 3U 

2360 Perfdlfcftcn ? — Die (£rgiefung eiues f}er3ens 
So 3U t>erlenfen, bte, fid? felbft gelaffen, 
(Bans anbre IDege nefymen toiirbe? — Daja, 
3fyr Vbt mir allerbings etoas rertraut — 
Von tDidjtigfeit, — was ^olgen fyaben fann, — 

2365 VOas mid) t>ertxrirrt, — toorauf id} gleidj nicbt toeif , 
VOas mir 3U tfyun. — Drum laft mir ^eit. — Drum gefytl 
(£r fommt fyier roieberum Dorbei, €r mod?t' 
Hns uberfalien I <Set?t i 

3d) tear bes Cobes! 

£empelt}ert\ 

3d) bin il)n jeljt 3U fpredjen gan3 unb gar 
2 37 oIcid}t fdfyig. IDenn 3^ r i*? m begegnet, fagt 
3f?m nur, baf trrir einanber bei bem Sultan 
Sd^on finben ttmrbem 

2lber laft (Eud? ja 
Hid)ts merfen gegen ifyn, — Das foil nur fo 
Den le^ten Drucf bem Dinge geben; foil 
2375 (£ud), 2led)a's tpegen, alle Sfrupel nur 
r^fenefymen! — IDenn 3*? r a ^ er ^ bann, fie nadj 

1 



204 Ttatfyan ber tDetfe. 

(Europa fiifyrt: fo lafjt 3^ r ^ oc ^? m ^ n ^t 
<?>uruc?? 

{Zempelfyerr* 

Das toirb ficfy finben, <£>efyt nur, gefytl 



iHerter 2Xuf?u$* 

(grfter JCuftrttt 

(Scene: in ben Kreu3gangen bes Klofters.) 

Per Klofterb ruber unb balb barauf ber (Eempelfyerr. 

Kloftevfcruber* 

3a, jal er fyat fd)on redjt, ber Patriate^! 

2380 <£s fyat mir fretltdj nod? r»on aUe bem 
Hidjt t>iel gelingen tr>ollen, tr>as er mir 
So aufgetragen* — XDarum trdgt er mtr 
Hud) lauter foldje 5ad?en auf? — 3^ ma 9 
Xcidjt f ein fetn ; mag nidjt iiberreben ; mag 

2385 litem Hdsdjen nidjt in alles ftecfen ; mag 
IHein f^dnbefyen nid?t in allem fyabtxx. — Bin 
3<i? barum aus ber JDelt gefefyieben, id? 
^ur mid}; um mid} fur anbre mit ber IDelt 
Hod} erft red}t 5U DertDicfeln? 

€empell}erv (mtt i?aft auf ifyn 3u!ommenb). 

(Buter Bruber! 
2390 Da feib 3^ r i a - 3^ M a & <£ud} lange fdjon 

©efudjt 

2ilofterl>ru5et\ 

ZTTid?, f^err? 

€empell}ert\ 

3^?r fennt mid? fd}on nid}t met). ? 



Hatfyan ber IDetfe. 205 

7Ho)tevbvnbcv. 

Dod?, bod) I 3^? glaubte nur, bag id? ben f}errn 
3" meinem £zbzn toieber rite 3U fefyn 
Befommen toiirbe* Denn id) t?offt' es 3U 

2395 Dem lieben (Bott — Der liebe (gott, ber tr>eif 
H)ie fauer mir ber 2tntrag toarb, ben id) 
Dem £}errn 3a tfyun t>erbunben roar. (£r toeif, 
(Db id? getr>unfd?t, ein offnes (Dt?r bei (£ud? 
<gu finben; toeif, tr»ie fef?r id? mid? gefreut, 

2400 3m 3 nner f* en gefreut, ba$ 3^ r f° run ^ 
Das alles, ol?ne tael Bebenfen, r>on 
(£ud? toieft, tr>as einem Hitter nid?t gejtenit — 
Hun fommt 3*? r &odj; nun f?at's bod) nad?gett>irf t ! 

€empelfyert\ 

3fyr roift es fd?on, tparum id? fomme? Kaum 
2405 IDeig id? es felbfi 

2ilofterbrubet\ 

3t?r f?abt's nun iiberlegt; 
fjabt nun gefunben, ba$ ber Patriard? 
So unred?t bod) nid?t I?at; ba% (Efyr' unb (Belb 
Durd? feinen 2lnfd?lag 3U getoinnen ; ba$ 
(Ein ^einb ein ^einb ift, tr>enn er unfer CEngel 
2410 2lud? fiebenmal getoefen tt>dre* Das, 

Das l?abt 3fy r nun mit ^leifd? unb Blut errr>ogen, 
Unb fommt, unb tragt (£ud? tr>ieber an. — 2ld? (Sott ! 

€empel^err. 

litem frommer, lieber IHann ! (5ebt <£ud? 3ufrtebem 
Desroegen fomm' id? nid?t; besroegen roill 
2415 3d? nid?t ben Patriard?en fpred?en, Tiodi, 
Tiod) benf id? iiber jenen Punft, trie id? 
(Scbad^t, unb trollf um alles in ber IDelt 
Die gute ZHeinung nid?t rerlieren, beren 



206 Xlatfyan ber IDetfe. 

WL\<t) em fo graber, frommer, lieber IHanit 
2420 (£inmal gercurbiget. — J<i? fomme blof , 
Den Pathardjen iiber eine Sacfye 

Urn Hat 3U fragen . ♦ . 

# 

2iiofterbrufcet\ 

3^r ben Patriarcfyen ? 
(£in Hitter, etnen — Pfaffen? (5id? fd?ud?tem umfefymb.) 

<Sempelf}err* 

3a; — bie Sad?' 
3ft siemtid? pfaffifd?. 

2iloftert>rubet\ 

(BleidjtDofjl fragt ber Pfaffe 

2425 Den Hitter me, bie Sad)t fei aud? nod) 

So ritterlid}* 

{£empell}err. 

IDeil er bas Porredjt Ijat, 

Sid? 5U rergefyn; bas unfereiner ifym 

Hid)t fet?r beneibet — ^rexlicb, trenn id? nur 

^iir mid? ju fyanbeln Ijatte; freilid), roenn , 
2430 3^? Hedjenfcfyaft nur mtr §u geben fydtte : 

VDas braucfyf idj (£uers Patriardjen? 2lber 

©etoiffe Dinge trnll id) lieber fdjledjt, 

Had? anbrer IDtlten, madden ; als allein 

Xlad) meinem, gut. — ^ubem, id) fefy' nun tx>ofyl, 
2435 Heligion ift audj Partei ; unb trer 

Sid? brob and) nod) fo unparteiifd) glaubt, 

f}dlt, ol)\\ es felbft 5U ttuffen, bod) nur feiner 

Die Stange. XDeil bas einmal nun fo ift: 

IDirb's fo toofyl red?t fehu 

lilofierbruber* 

Dasu fd)U)eig' id) lieber. 
2440 Denn id) rerftefy' bzn J^errn ntdjt redjt. 



Hainan ber IDeife. 207 

<Zempelljerr* 

Unb bod? ! — 
(£af fet?n, tr>arum mir eigentlid? 5U tf?un ! 

Urn 2Ttad?tfprud? ober Hat? — Urn lantern, ober 
<gelef?rten Hat?) — 3d? banf (£ud?, Bruber; banf 
(£ud? fur ben guten XDtnl — tDas Patriard? ? — 
2445 Seib 3*? r me ^ n Patriard? ! 3^? tPtll ja bod? 
Den £I?riften met?r tm Patriard?en, als 
Den Patriard?en in bem (Efyrtften fragem — 
Die Sad?' ift bie ♦ ♦ . 

ttlofterbruber* 

Hid?t toeiter, f^err, nid?t roetter ! 
H)o$u ? — Der fjerr rerf ennt mid?* — IDer r>iel tr>eif , 
2450 §at r>iel 3U forgen ; unb id? I?abe ja 

ITEid? einer Sorge nur gelobt — (D gut! 

fjort ! fel?t ! Dort fommt, 5U meinem ©tiicf, er felbft* 

Bleibt t?ier nur ftet?m (Er t?at €ud? fd?on erblicft 



^toeiter 2tuftritt. 

Dcr patriard?, tr>eld?er mit allem getftltcfyen pomp ben einert 
Kreu3gang fyerauffommt, unb bie Dorigen. 

tZetnpelfyerr. 

3d? tuid?' il?m lieber au$. — VOav 1 nid?t mein WLannl- 
2455 €in bid er, roter, freunblid?er Prdlat ! 
Unb toeld?er prunf ! 

ttlofterbruber* 

3I?r folltet il?n erft fef?n, 
Xlad) f}ofe fid) erf?eben* 3 e ^° ?ommt 
(£r nur von einem Kranfen* 



208 Hainan ber lUeife. 

<Zempell}ert\ 

IDie ftcfy ba 
Xlidft Salabtn ttnrb fcfydmen miiffen ! 

patriarch (tnbem er ndfyer fommt, tDtrtft bem Bruber). 

f)ier ! — 
2460 Das ift ja toofyl ber Cempelfyerr* JDas roill 
<gr? 

2ilofterfcruber* 
IDeif nicfjt 

patriarch 

(auf tfyn 3uge^enb, inbem ber 2Sruber unb bas (Sefolge 3uriicftretett). 

Hun, f}err Hitter ! — Sefyr erfreut 
Den brat>en jungen IKann 311 fefyn ! — (£i, nod} 
So gar jung ! — Hun, mit ©ottes I}ilfe, baraus 
Kann ettpas toerben* 

Zftefjr, efyrtr>iirb'ger £)err, 
2465 IDofyl fd?tr>erltrf), als fdjon ift. Unb efyer nodj, 
XDas rueniger. 

patriarch 

3d? ttmnfcfye tpenigftens, 
Daf fo ein frommer Hitter lange nod? 
Der lieben Cfyriftenfyeit, ber Sacbe (SSottes 
<5u <£fyr' unb ^rommen bliifyn unb griinen moge ! 
2 47 o Das trurb bznn and) nidft fefylen, tr>enn nur fein 
Die junge Capferfeit bem reifen Hate 
Des filters folgen roill ! — IDomit tr>dr' fonft 
Dem £}errn 3U bienen? 

€empelf}err* 

IHit bem ndmlicfyen, 
IDoran es meiner 3 u S en ^ fefylt: mit Hat 



Hatty cut ber IDetfe. 209 

patriarch 

24 75 Hecfyt gern ! — Hur ift ber Hat aucfy an3unefymen« 

^empelfyerv. 

Dodj blinblings nicfyt? 

fxttviavdi. 

IDer fagt benn bas ? — (£i freilidj 
ZITuf niemanb bie Dernunft, bie <£>ott ifym gab, 
<§u braucfyen unterlaffen, — too fie fyin 
(Befyort — (Befyort fie aber iiberall 

2480 Denn t)inV — (D nein ! — <?>um Beifpiel: tr>enn uns <2>oti 
Durcfy einen feiner (Engel, — ift 311 fagen, 
Durd? einen Diener feines IDorts, — ein ZHittel 
3dannt 3U madden rourbiget, bas Wofyl 
Der gan3en (Efyriftenfyeit, bas £)eil ber Kircfye, 

2485 2tuf irgenb eine gan3 befonbre IDetfe 
<gu forbern, 3U befeftigen : roer barf 
Sid) ba nod} unterftefyn, bie IDillfur bes, 
Der bie Pernunft crfcbaffen, nad) Dernunft 
<?Ju unterfucfyen ? unb bas eroige 

2490 <Sefei§ ber f}errlid)f ett bes ^immels, nad} 
Den fleinen Hegeln einer eiteln (Efyre 
<?>u priifen ? — Dod? fyierron genug. — JDas ift 
(Es bcnn, rooriiber unfern Hat fiir jeijt 
Der fjerr rerlangt? 

€empel*}err* 

(£>efei§t, efyriourb'ger Pater, 
2 4 Q5 (Ein 3 u ^ e ^Stt' ein einsig Kinb, — es fei 

(£in ZTtdbdjen, — bas er mit ber grof ten Sorgfalt 

<?>u allem (Suten aufer3ogen, bas 

(£r liebe mefyr als feine Seele, bas 

3fyn roieber mit ber frommften £i§be liebe. 



210 Hatfyan ber IPeife. 

2500 Unb nun tr>iirb' unferetnem fyinterbradjt, 
Dies ZHdbcfyen fei bes 3 u ^ en ^odjter nid?t; 
(£r fyafr es in ber Kinbfyeit aufgelefen, 
<£>efauft, geftofyleu, — mas 3fy r roollt; man ttuffe, 
Das ZHabdjen fei ein (Lfyriftenfinb, unb fei 

2505 ©etauft ; ber 3 u ^ e M a & es nur als 3ubin 
(Erjogen; laff es nur als 3#bin unb 
2tls feine Cocfyter fo r>erfyarren : — fagt, 
(Efyrtpiirb'ger Dater, toas roar' fyierbei rooljl 
<gu tfyun? 

f>atviav<ty. 

Wild) fdjaubert I — Dod? 3U allererft 
2510 (Erf [are fid} ber f^err, ob fo ein ^all 
(Ein ^aftum ober eine. f)ypotI?ef\ 
Das ift 3U fagen : ob ber I}err fid) bas 
Hur blof fo bidjtet, ober ob's gefdjefyn, 
Unb fortfdfyrt 3U gefdjefyn- 

^empelfjerr* 

3d? glaubte, bas 
2515 Sei eins, um (£uer fjodjefyrumrben ZTteinung' 
Blof 5U r>ernef)men. 

patriarch 

(Eins? — ba feb' ber f)err 
H)ie ftd? bie ftolse menfdjlidje Pernunft 
3™ <£>eiftltd?en bod} irren f ann. — ZTtit nicfyten I 
Denn ift ber Dorgetragne ^atl nur fo 

2520 (gin Spiel bes lDii§es : fo rerlofynt es fid? 
Der ITtube mdjt, im (Ernft ifyn burd^ubenfen* 
3dj tr>tll ben f^errn bamit auf bas Cheater 
Dertoiefen b a t , en / rr>o bergleicben pro 
Et contra fid? mit r>ielem Beifall fonnte 

2525 Befyanbeln laffen. — §at ber £}err mid? aber 
Hidbt blof mit einer tfyeatral'fcfyen Sdjnurre 



Xlatl\an ber IPeife. 211 

^um beften ; ift ber $all em $af turn ; fydtf 
(£r fid? tx>ofyl gar in unfrer Diocef, 
3n unfrer lieben Stabt 3 eru f a ^ em / 
2530 (Ereignet : — ja alsbann — 

^emyel^err. 

Unb was alsbann? 

patriarch 

Dann wave mil bem 3 u ^ en forberfamft 
Die Strafe $u voll$kt)n f bie pdpftliches 
Unb faiferlicbes Hecfyt fo einem ^rerel, 
So einer Caftertfyat beftimmen* 

^empelljerr* 

So? 

patriarch 

2535 Unb $wav beftimmen obbefagte Kecfyte 
Dem 3 u ^en, trelcfyer einen (Efyriften 3ur 
2tpoftafie ferfiifyrt, — b^n Sd?eiterfyaufen, — 
Den f?ol3ftof — 

So? 

patriarch 

Unb tr>ie t>ielmefyr bem J>ubzn, 
Der mit (Setoalt ein armes (Efyriftenfinb 
2540 Dem Bunbe feiner Cauf entreif t ! Denn tft 
Hidjt alles, was man Kinbern ttjut, ©etoalt? — 
<^u fagen : — ausgenommen, roas bie 'Kircb 1 
2ln Kinbern tfyut, 

VDcnn aber nun bas Kinb, 
(£rbarmte feiner fidj ber 3 u ^ e ntdjt, 
2545 Dielleicfyt im (£lenb umgefommen todre? 



212 Hatfyau ber £Detfe. 

patriarch 

tlfyut nicfyts ! Der 3 u ^ e ^trb t)erbranni — Denn beffer, 
<£s tr>dre fyier tm (£lenb umgefommen, 
2lls ba% 3U feinem etoigen Derberben 
<£s fo gerettet toarb* — <?)ubem, tr>as fyat 
2550 Der Jube (Sott benn t>or3ugreifen ? (Bott 

Kann, toen er retten trill, fcfyon 0^' ifyn retten* 

{Zempelljerr* 

2tudj tro^ ifym, follt' icfj meinen, — felig macfyeru 

fxxtviavdi. 

Cfyut nicfyts ! ber 3 u ^ e ^trb serbranni 

Das gefyt 
ZHir nafy' ! Befonbers, ba man fagt, cr )c\abz 
2555 Das ZTtdbdjen nicfyt fotpofyl in fetnem, als 
Dielmefyr in feinem (Blauben aufer3ogen, 
Unb fie von (£>ott nicfyt mefyr, nicfyt tr>eniger 
(Selefyrt, als ber Dernunft gentigt 

fxxtviavdi. 

3-tjut majts! 

Der 3 u ^ e rotrb rerbrannt . ♦ ♦ 3 a / ^dr' allein 
2560 Sdjon biefertoegen toert, breimal t)erbrannt 

<§u toerben ! — JDas? ein Kinb ofyn' alien (Slauben 
(£rroad?fen laffen ? — tt)ie ? bie grof e pfticftt, 
<5u glauben, ganj unb gar ein Kinb nicfrt lefyren? 
Das ift 3U arg 1 — IHicfy ttmnbert feljr, £)err Sitter, 
2565 (£ud? felbft ♦ ♦ . 

(Efyrtriirb'ger ^err, bas iibrige, 
XDenn ®ott trill, in ber Beicfyte* (VOiU gefjn.) 

patriarch 

XPas? mir nun 



Zlattyan ber IDetfe. 213 

Iciest einmal Hebe ftefyn ? — Den Bofetoicfyt, 

Don 3 u ^ en m ^ r n ^ nennen? — mir ifyn nidjt 

<gur Stelie fdjaffen ? — (D ba toeif id) Hat ! 
2570 3d? gefy' fogleid? 311m Sultan. — Salabin, 

Permoge ber Kapitulation, 

Die er befdjrooren, muf? uns, muf uns fdjuijen; 

Bei alien Hecfyten, alien £efyren fcfyui§en, 

Die roir 3U unfrer allerfyeiligften 
2575 Religion nur immer recfynen biirfen i 

©ottlob ! ttnr fyaben bas (DriginaL 

H)ir Ijaben feine tyanb, fein SiegeL H?ir ! — 

2ludj mad?' id) ifym gar leidjt begreiflidj, roie 

(Befafyrlid) felber fur bzn Staat es ift, 
2580 Hicfyts glauben ! 2tlle btirgerlicfye 3anbz 

Sinb aufgelofet, finb 3erriffen, roenn 

Der IHenfd? ntdjts glauben barf. — £}tntx>eg ! fyinioeg 

ITtit foldjem ^rerel I ♦ ♦ ♦ 

Sd?abe, ba% id? nicfyt 

Den trefflid?en Sermon mit beffrer ITtufe 

2585 <2>enie£en f ann ! 3d? bin 3um Salabin 

(Serufen. 

patriarch 

. 3 a ? — ^ un f° — ^ un fretltd? — Dann — 

€empelf}ert\ 

3d? trill ben Sultan t>orbereiten, roenn 
<£s (£uer f}od?et?rtr>iirben fo gefdllt 

patriarch. 

(D, ofj ! — 3^? treif , ber £>err fyat <£>nabe funben 
,590 Dor Salabin ! — 3<*? bitte meiner nur 
3m beften bei ibm eingebenf 3U fein. — 
ZTEidj treibt ber (£ifer ©ottes lebiglidj. 



214 Hatfyan ber IPetfe. 

VOas id} su t>iel tfyu', tfyu' id? ifym. — Das toolle 

Dodj ja ber £)err ertodgen ! — Unb ntcf?t toafyr, 

2595 £)err Hitter? bas t>orfyin (£rtr>dfynte von 

Dem 3 u ^n, rDar nur e * n Ptoblema? — ift 

<gu fagen — 

{lempel^err* 

(gin problema. ((Se^t ab.) 

patriarch* 

(Dem id? tiefer 
Vod) auf ben (Srunb 311 fommen fucfyen muf. 
Das tr>dr' fo trneberum ein 2tuftrag fiir 
2600 Den Bruber Bonafibes*) — ^ter, mein Sofyn ! 

(<£r fprtcfyt tm 2lbg,efm mtt bem Klofterbruber.) 



Dritter tfuftritt. 

(Scene: ein gimmer tm palafte bes Salab'xn, in tpelcfyes t>on 

SHaren erne XUenge Beutel getragen, unb auf bem 23oben neben 

einanber geftetlt merben.) 

Salabin unb balb barauf S tttat^. 

Salabtn (ber bct3u fommt). 

Hun toafyrlicfy 1 bas fyat nod} f ein <£nbc. — 3ft 
Des Dings nod} r>iel suriicf? 

<Ein SHavc. 

VDol}l nod) bie f^alfte. 

Salabin. 

So tragt bas iibrige 311 Sittafy* — Unb 
, XDo bteibt 2It§aft? Das t?ier foil fogteid? 
2605 2tl=I}afi 3U fid? nefymen* — (Dber ob 



Hat fy an ber IP e if e. 215 

2>d\s ntcfyt t>telmefyr bem Pater fdjtde? f^ter 
^dllt mir es bod? nur burcfy bte finger. — <?>tx)ar 
ZTTan ttnrb toofyl enblicfy fyart; unb nun getoif 
Soli's Kiinfte foften, mtr ptel ab$u$voadzn. 

2610 Bis toemgftens bte ©elber aus iigypten 
<^ur Stelle fommen, mag bas Ztrmut fefyn 
IDie's ferttg ttnrb 1 — Die Spenben bet bem (Brabe, 
IDenn bte nur fortgefyn ! IDenn bte (Efyrtftenptlger 
VTixt leeren ^dnben nur ntdjt ab3tet?n btirfen ! 

2615 IDenn nur — 

IDas foil nun bas? IDas foil bas (Selb 
Bet mtr? 

SalaMm 

VCiad} bid) barton bejafylt; unb leg' 
2tuf Dorrat, tr>enn roas iibrtg bleibt! 



Hod? mtt bem tEempelfyervn ntdjt ba? 

Salabin. 
3fyn alterorten* 



3ft Hainan 
(Er fud?t 



SittaM* 

Stefy bod), was tdj fyter, 
2620 3n^em mtr fo rnetn alt (Sefd^meibe burd) 

Die £)dnbe gefyt, gefunben- (3fym em flein (SemSlbe 3eigenb.) 

£}a ! mein Bruber ! 
Das tft er, tft er I — VOav er ! roar er ! afy ! — 
211? tr>acfrer lieber 3 un 9 e / ba$ ^ kid} 
So friify perlor! IDas fydtf xd\ erft mtt Mr, 
e 62 5 2ln betner Sett' erft unternommen ! — Sittafy, 

£af mir bas Btlb* 2lud? fertn' tcb's fd>on : er gab 



216 Hatfyan ber tt)etfe. 

(£s beiner dltern Sdjtr>efter, feiner £illa, 
Die eines ZHorgens ifyn fo gans unb gar 
Hicfyt aus ben 2trmen laffen tr>ollt\ (£s tDar 
2630 Der letste, ben er ausritt — 2tfy, id? liejj 
3fyn reiten, unb alletn ! — 2lfy, £tlla ftarb 
t>or ©ram, unb ijat mir's nie t>ergeben, ba$ 
3d} fo alletn ifyn reiten laffen * — (Er 
Blieb toeg! 

Der arme Bruber! 

SalaMn* 

£af nur gut 

2635 Setn ! — (Einmal bletben roir bod) aUe roeg ! — 
<5ubem, — toer tpetf? Der ?£ob ift's ntcfyt allein, 
Der einem 3^ n S^ n S fetner 2trt bas ^tel 
Vtvxiidt (Er fyat ber ^einbe mefyt; unb oft 
(Erliegt ber Stdrffte gleicfy bem Scfyrodcfyften* — Hun, 

2640 Set rote ifym fei ! — 3^? mu f bas Bilb bod? mit 
Dem jungen Cempelfyerrn t>ergleid?en ; muf 
Dodj fe£?rt, rote tnel mid} meine Pfyantafte 
©etaufdji 

Hur barum bring' tcfy's* 2tber gieb 
Dod), gieb ! 3^ will bir bas toofyl fagen ; bas 
2645 Perftefyt ein tr>eiblid? TitQ am beften. 

SalaMn (311 etnem Crmrftefyer, ber ^eretntrttt). 

H)er 
3ft ba? — ber tEempelfyerr? — (Er fomm'I 

(Eud? nid?t 
<5u ftoren : ifyn mit meiner Heugier nicfyt 
<gu irren — 
(Ste fe^t fid? fetttparts auf ein Sofa unb la§t ben Scfyleter fallen.) 



Hat^anbcrll)ctfe. 217 

Salabin. 

<£>ut fo ! gut! — (Unb nun fetn ZEonl 
VOk ber trotjl fetn trirb ! — 2tffabs &on 
2650 Sdjldft aud? tr»o£jl tr>o in meiner Seele nod? !) 



Dierter 2Juftrtti 
Der (Eempelfyerr unb Salabin. 

£etnpell}ert\ 
3d?, bein (Befangner, Sultan . . ♦ 

ITTein (Sefangner? 
IDem id? bas £zbcn fd?enfe, toerb' id? bem 
Hid?t aud? bie ^reif?eit fd?enfen? 

2empelf}err* 

VOas bir 5iemt 
<gu tl?un, 3iemt mir, erft 3U t>ernet?men, nid?t 
2655 X?oraus3ufe^en. 2Iber, Sultan, — Danf, 
Befonbern Danf bir fur mein Ceben 3U 
Beteuern, ftimmt mit meinem Stanb' unb meinem 
(£t?arafter nid?t — <£s ftet?t in alien fallen 
<§u beinen ZHenften roieber. 

Salabin. 

Braud?' es nur 
2660 £cid?t roiber mid? ! — £voax ein paar I}dnbe mel?r, 
Die gonnt' id? meinem ^einbe germ 2tUein 
31?m fo ein £)er3 aud? met?r 3U gonnen, fdllt 
ITtir fd?it)ei\ — 3^? fyabe mid? mit bir in nid?ts 
Betrogen, brat>er junger ZTtann ! Du bift 
2665 mit Seel' unb £eib mein 2tffa&. Siet? ! id? fonnte 



218 tlatfjan ber IPeife. 

Did) fragen : xvo bu benn Me gan3e <?>eit 
(Befted.1? in toeld)er fjofyle bu gefcfylafen? 
3n tt>eld)em ©inniftan, Don tr>eld)er guten 
Dit> biefe Blume fort unb fort fo frifd) 

2670 (£rt)alten toorben ? Siel) ! id? f onnte bid) 
(£rinnern tpollen, was wxx bort unb bort 
<5ufammen ausgefiifyrh 3^? fonnte mit 
Dir 3anfen, ba% bu ein <0ef)eimnis bod? 
Dor mir gefyabt ! <£in 2lbenteuer mir 

2675 Dod) unterfd)lagen : — 3 a / ^ as f onnt' id) ; toenn 
3d) bid) nur fafy', unb nid)t aud) mid).— Hun, mag's I 
Don biefer fiif en tTraumerei ift immer 
Dod) fo trie! toafyr, baf mir in meinem £)erbft 
(£in 2tffab uneber bliifyen foil. — Du bift 

2680 <£s bod) 3ufrieben, Hitter? 

2tUes, tr>as 
Don bir mir fommt, — fei was es tpill — bas lag 
Tils JDunfd) in meiner Seele. 

Salabtn, 

£af uns bas 
Sogleid) t>erfud)en* — Bliebft bu wofyl bei mir? 
Urn mir? — Tils (Lfyrift, als IHufelmann: gleid) r>iel! 
2685 3 m tr>etfen ZHantel, ober ^amtvlonf; 
3 m Culban, ober beinem ^il3e : trie 
Du nrillft ! (Sleid) r>iel ! 3^ f? a & e ™ e t>erlangt, 
Daf alien Baumen eine Hinbe road)fe, 

Sonft todrft bu wol)\ aud) fd)tperlid), ber bu bift: 
2690 Der £)elb, ber lieber (Sottes ©drtner tr>dre. 






Hainan ber ED eife. 2I n 

SalaMn. 

Hun 5ann ; toenn 5u nicfyt fcfylecfyter von mir benfft : 
So todren roir ja fyalb fdjon ricfytig? 

©att3! 

SataMn (tfym bie £?anb btetenb). 
<Etn IDort? 

^empelfyerr (etnfd?lagenb). 

(Ein ITEann ! — fjiermtt empfange meljr 
2tls bu mir nefymen fonntefL (5an3 6er Deine! 

Salabin. 

26 95 ^uriel <3ett>inn fur einen {Tag! 3ut>iel! — 
Kam er ntdjt mill 

Sempel^erv* 

JDer? 

SalaMn, 

Hatfyan* 



Ellein- 



{lempelljerr (frofttg). 

Hem. 3^ ^ am 

SalaMtu 



VOdd) eine tEfyat r>on Mr! Un6 roeldj 
(Ein roetfes ©liicf, ba% eine folcfte tlfyat 
<5um Beften eines folcfyen ITCannes ausfcfylug, 

2700 3 a / JCX ! 

Salabin. 

So fait? — Hem, junger 2Ttanu ! tr>enn ®ott 



220 Tlatkian ber XPetfe. 

Was (Sutes bnvd} nns tfyut, muf man fo fait 
Zcidjt fein ! — felbft aus Befdjeibenfyeit fo fait 
Hidjt fdjeinen toollen ! 

Daf bodj in ber XDelt 
(£tn jebes Ding fo mandje Seiten fyat ! — 
2 7 o 5 Pon benen oft fid? gar nidjt benfen Idfft, 
JDie fie 5ufammenpaffen I 

Salabin* 

J)alte bid? 
Hur immer an bie beft', unb preife <£>ott! 
Der roeif , tt)ie fie sufammenpaffen. — 2(ber, 
IDenn bu fo fcbttnerig fein toillft, junger ITtann: 
2710 So toerb' and) id} \a toofyl auf meiner f}ut 
Xdxd} mit bir fyalten miiffen? £eiber bin 
TXnd) id} ein Ding t>on tnelen Seiten, bie 
©ft nicfyt fo redjt 5U paffen fdjeinen mogem 

€empelfyert\ 

Das fdjmer3t ! — Denn 2trgtoofyn ift fo roenig fonft 

2715 litem ^efyter — 

Salabiru 

Hun, fo fage bod), mit tr>em 
Du's fyaft? — (£5 fcfyien ja gar, mit Hatfyan. IPie? 
2tuf Hatfyan 2Irgtr>ofyn ? bu ? — (£rf lar' bid) ! fpricfy ! 
Komm, gieb mir beines ^utrau'ns erfte Probe. 

^empeltjerr* 

3d? fyabe roiber Hatfyan nidjts. ^>d} $ixvn 

2720 2lllein mit mir — 

SalaMn* 

Unb iiber roas? 



Hainan be r XDeife. 221 

t£empelljert\ 

Dag mir 

(gietrdumt, ein 3 u ^ e form' aud? tt>ofyI ein 3 u ^ e 

<gu fein r>erlernen ; baf mir roacfjenb fo 

©etrdumt 

Salafcin* 

f^eraus mtt Mefem tr>ad?en ^raume ! 

€empel^err* 

Du wtiftt port Hatfyans £od?ter, Sultan* Was 
2725 3^? f^ r f* e fyat, bas tfyat id?, — toeil id?'s tl?at* 
^u ftol3, Dauf ein3uernten, too id? il?n 
Icid?t fdete, rerfdnndfyt' id? Cag fur tlag 
Das 2TCdbd?en nod) einmal 311 fel?TL Der X)ater 
XDar fern ; er f ommt ; er l?ort ; er fud?t mid) auf ; 
2730 <£r banft; er tr>unfd?t, baft feine tEod?ter mir 
(Befallen moge ; fprid?t von 2tusfid?t, fprid?t 
Von fyettem ^ertten. — Hun, id? laffe mid? 
BefduDai^en, fomme, fef?e, finbe tr>irflid? 
(Ein 2Ttdbd?en . . * 211?, id? muf mid? fd?dmen, Sultan i — 

Salabin. 

2735 Did? fd?dmen? — baft ein ^}ubznmabd)zn auf 
Did? (Sinbrucf mad?te: bod} tr>of?l nimmermet?r? 

Daf Mefem €inbrucf, auf bas lieblid?e 
©efd?tc>afe bes Daters t?in, mein rafd?es f}er3 
So roenig IDiberftanb entgegenfeijte ! — 
2 74 o 3d? tEropf ! id? fprang 3um 3tDeitenmal ins ^euer* — 
Denn nun roarb id?, unb nun tr>arb id? t>erfd?mdf?t 

SalaMn. 

Perfd?mdl?t? 

Sempell}ert\ 

Der treife Pater fd?ldgt nun rootjl 



222 tTat^anberlPctfe. 

Wild) platterbings nid?t aus, Der tr>eife Pater 
ITtuf aber bod? fid? crft erfunben. erft 
2745 Befinnen* 2lllerbtngs I tlfyat id? benu bas 
Hid?t and}? (£rfunbete, befann id? bcnn 
ZTTid? erft nid?t and?, als fie im ^euer fd?rie ? — 
^urtpafyr ! bei (ESott ! €s ift bod? gar tr>as Scbones, 
So tpeife, fo bebdd?tig fein ! 

Salabin. 

Hun, nun ! 

2750 So fiet? bod? eirtem 2tlten etroas nad) ! 
tDie lange fonnen feine XPeigerimgen 
Denn bauern ? UOxxb er benn von bir t>erlangen, 
Qa% bu erft 3 u ^ e toerben follft? 

{Zempeilierr* 

IDer tr>eif ! 
Salabin. 

IDer tt>eif? — ber biefen Zcatt?an beffer fznnt 

2755 Der 2tberglaub', in bem tr»ir aufgerpad?fen, 
Derliert, aud? tr>enn roir if?n erfennen, barum 
Dod? feine 2TEad?t nid?t fiber uns. — <£s finb 
Zcid?t alle frei, bie tfyrer Ketten fpotten* 

Salabin. 

Sefyr reif bemerft! Dod? Xcatfyan rt)at?rlid?, Hatt?an 

Sempel^err, 

2760 Der 2tberglauben fcblimmfter ift, ben feinen 
^fir ben ertrdglid?ern 5U fyalten . 

Salabin, 

IDofyl fein! Dod? Xcatfyan 



Ztcttfyan ber IDeife. 223 

<Sempelbert\ 

Dem allein 

Die blobe ITTenfcbfyeit 311 rertrauen, bis 

Sie fyellern IDafyrfyeitstag getoofyne; bem 

2765 Jtllein * ♦ • 

Salabin* 

(But I 2tber Hatban ! — Hatbans Cos 
3ft biefe Sdnr>ad?beit md)i 

£empelbert\ 

So bad)? id) aucb I .- • J 
IDenn gleicbtoofyl biefer 2tusbunb aller TTEenfcfyen 
So ein gemeiner J u ^ e trdre, baf 
<£r (£fyriftenfinber 311 befommen fucbte, 
2770 Urn fte als 3 u ^ en ciufsuste^n : — rote bann? 

Salabitu 

IDer fagt tljm fo u>as nadj? 

^empelberr. 

Das Iltabcben felbft, 
ZTJit tuelcber er mid? fornt, mit bercn ^offnung 
<£r gern mir 311 bt$abUn fcfyiene, teas 
3d? nid)t umfonft f tir fte getfyan foil l\abzx\: — 
2775 Dies ZtTdbcben felbft, ift fcine Cocfyter — rticbt; 
3ft ein r>er3ettelt (£fyriftenfinb- 

Salabtn* 

Das er 
Dem ungeadjtet bir ntcbt geben roollte? 

£empelberr (fjefttg). 

XDolT ober roolle ntcbt ! (£r ift entbedt 
Der tolerante Scbtodtjer ift entbecft! 
2780 3dj roerbe binter biefen jtib'fcben IDolf 



224 Rattan ber IDeife. 

3m pfyitofor>fy'fd? en Sd)afspel3, f}unbe fcfyon 
<5u bringen toiffen, bie it?n saufen follen ! 

Salabin (ernft). 
Set ruf?ig, <£l?rift! 

tZempelljetr* 

XDas? rufyig (Lfyrift? — JDenn 3 U ^' 
Unb IHufelmann, auf 3 U ^\ au f IHufelmann 
2785 Beftefyen : foil allein ber (Efyrift ben (£f?riften 
Iciest mad?en biirfen ? 

Salabin (nod? emfter). 
Hufyig, (£f?rift! 

Sempeltjerr (gelaffen). 

3d? ffit?le 
De^ Dorrourfs ganje £afi, — bie Salabin 

3n biefe Stlbe preft! 211?, toenn id? trmfte, 
H)ie 2lffab, — 2lffab fid) an meiner Stelle 
2790 ^ierbei genommen f?dtte ! 

Salabin, 

Xcid?t tnel beffer ! — 
Dermutlid?, gan3 fo braufenb ! — Vod\ f tr>cr fyat 
Denn bid? aud? fd?on gelefyrt, mid? fo tr>ie er 
ZHit einem IDorte 3U befted?en? ^reiltd? 
IDenn alles fid? £ert?dlt, tr»ie bu mir fageft: 

2795 Kann id? mid? felber faum in Zcatfyan finbem — - 
3nbes, er ift mein ^reunb, unb meiner ^reunbe 
ITtuf feiner mit bem anbern fyabern* — €a§ 
Did? tr>eifen ! (Set? befyutfam ! (£>ieb if?n nid?t 
Sofort ben Sd?tr>drmern beines Pobels preisl 

2800 X)erfd?roeig, was beine (5eiftlid?feU, an il?m 
<gu rdd?en, mir fo nafye legen rourbe! 



HatfyanbertDetfe. 225 

Set feinem 3 u ^en, feinem ZHufelmanne 
<5um Cro^ ein (Efyrift ! 

€empel^ert\ 

Balb roar's bamit 5U fpdt! 
Docfy Danf ber Blutbegier bes Patriarcben, 
2805 Des IPerfseug mir 5U roerben graute! 

SalaMn* 

U)ie? 
Du famft 3um Patriard?en efyer, als 

<§u mir? 

3m Sturm ber Ceibenfcbaft, im JIHrbel 
Der Unentfdbloffenfyeit ! — Perseit? ! — Du trurft 
Pen beinem 2lffab, fiircfyt' id), ferncr nun 
28ioHid?ts mef?r in mir erfennen toollen* 

Salabin. 

Win 

<£s biefe ^urd?t nicbt felbft ! ZHid? bflnf t, id) toeif, 
2lus toeldjen ^efylern unfre Cugenb feimt 
Pfleg' biefe ferner nur, unb jene follen 
Bei mir bir toenig fcfyaben, — 2lber gefy! 

2815 Sud)' bu nun ttatfyan, rote er bid? gefudjt; 

Unb bring' ifyn fyer* 3^? mu i euc ^ ^°d? 3ufammen 
Derftdnbigen* — IDdr' um has ZTtdbdjen bir 
3m (£rnft ju tfyun : fei rufyig, Sie ift bein ! 
2Iud? foil es Hatfyan fdjon empftnben, bafe 

2820 (£r obne Scbroeinefleifdj ein Cfyriftenfinb 
(Erstefyen biirfen ! — (Befy ! 

(Der Cempelfyerr getyt ab, unb Stttafy cerldgt has Sofa.) 



226 Hatl]an ber XDetfe. 

^unfter Jtuftrttt 

Salabin unb Sittaly 

(0an5 fonberbarl 

SalaMn* 

(Belt, Sittafy? ZHu^ mein 2lffa6 nidjt ein brat>er, 
(£in fcfyoner junger ITTann getpefen fetn? 

Sittatj* 

ZDenn er fo roar, unb uidjt 3U btefem Bilbe 
2825 Der Cempelfyerr tuelmefyr gefeffen ! — 2lber 
IDte fyaft bu bod? t>ergeffen fonmn bid) 
Xtad) feinen (£ltern 3U erfunbigen? 

Salabin* 

Unb insbefonbere tpofyl nad) feiner ZTTutter? 
<Db feine XHutter fyter 3U Canbe me 
28 3 o@etpefen fei? — Xixdft tr>al)t? 

Das madjft bu gutt 

Salabin* 

(D, moglidjer roar' ntcfyts! Denn 2lffab xvat 
Bet fyiibfdjen (Efyriftenbamen fo ttnllfommen, 
2tuf fyubfcfye (Lfyriftenbamen fo erptdjt, 
Daf einmal gar bie Hebe ging — £cun, nun ; 
2835 2T£an fpricfyt nid?t gem bar>on> — (Senug ; id? fyab' 
3fyn trneber 1 — tr>ill mit alien feinen ^efylern, 
ITtit alien £aunen fetnes toeidjen £jer3ens 
3fyn txneber fyaben ! — (Dfy! bas ZTTdbdjen mufj 
3t?tn Hainan geben. ZTtetnft bu nidjt? 



2 8 4 o 3fym laffen 



Hainan be r W etfe. 227 

Sittatj, 

. 3fy m geben? 

Salabin* 



2lllerbings ! Was fydtte Hatfyan, 
Sobalb er mdjt ti?r Pater ift, fur &ed)t 
2tuf fie? IDer ifyr bas £eben fo erE?ielt, 
tEritt etri3tg in bie Xecftte bes, ber ifyr 
£5 gab. 

SUtat^ 

H)ie alfo, Salabin? toenn bu 
2845 Hur gletdj bas ZTTdbcfyen 311 bir nafymft? Sie nur 
Dem unredjtmdftgen Befi^er gleid} 
(£nt3ogeft? 

Salabin* 

Cfydte bas tr>ofyl not? 

Sittat}. 

Hot nun 
tDofyl eben nicfyt! — Die Hebe Heubegier 
Creibt micfy allein, bir biefen Hat 311 geben. 
2850 Denn von geroiffen ZHdnnern mag id) gar 
<5u gern, fo balb rote moglid), toiffen, was 
Sie ftir ein XHdbcfyen lieben fonnen. 



Salabin* 

So fcfyicf unb laf fie fyolen, 

Sittal?, 
Salabin. 



Hun, 



Darf id}, Bruber? 



Hur fcfyone Hatfyans! Hatt?an mug burdjaus 
2855 Xctcht glauben, ba% man mit (Beroalt il?n Don 
3^ trennen tpolle. 



228 Ha tfyan ber ID etfe. 

Sorge n\d)L 

Salabin. 

Unb \d), 
3<i? muf fdjon felbft fefyn, too 2tl=f}afi bleibt 






Sedjfter 2luftrttt. 

(Scene: bte offne ^Iur in Hatfyans £?aufe, gegen bte palmen 311; 
UJte im erften Ztuftrttte bcs erften 2Iuf3ugs. (Etn CEetl ber 
IDaren unb Koftbarfetten Hegt ausgeframt, beren ebenbafelbfi ge= 

bad?t nnrb.) 

Hainan unb Dajcu 

(D, alles fyerrlid}! alles auserlefen! 
CD, alles — tDte nur 3*? r es geben Fonnt*. 
2860 JDo tpirb ber Silberftoff mit golbnen Kanfen 
(Bemacfyt? JDas foftet er? — Das nenn' tdj nod} 
(£in Brautfleib I Keine Konigin t>erlangt 
<£s beffer* 

Vtatlian. 

Brautfleib? IDarum Brautfleib eben? 

3^ nun ! 3^ r battel baran freilicfy rttdjt, 
2865 2tls 3^? r ^ n fauftet. — 2tber waifvlidf, Hatfyan, 
Der unb fein anbrer muf es fein ! (gr ift 
^um Brautfleib rote beftellt Der toeife (Srunb; 
€in Bilb ber Unfdjulb: unb bte golbnen Strome, 
Die allerorten biefen <£>runb burd?fd?ldngeln ; 
2 8 7 o (gin Bilb bes Seidjtums, Se£?t 3fyr? Jtllerliebft ! 



Hainan bertDetfe. 229 

Hainan, 

Was nri^elft bu mir 6a? Don treffen Brautfleib 
Stnnbtlberft bu mir fo gelefyrt? — Bift bu 
Denn Braut? 

3d?? 

Hainan* 

Ziun tper benn? 

3d?? — lieber (gott! 

XDer benn? Don tr>effeu Brautfleib fpricfjft bu benn? — 
2875 Das alles ift ja bein, unb fetner anbern. 

Da\a. 

3ft metn? Soli metn fein? — 3ft f^ r &£&)<* ntcftt? 

Hainan. 

Was id) fur Rz&fa mitgebradjt, bas liegt 

3n etnem anbern Ballen. ITEadj'! ntmm tr>eg! 

Crag beine Stebenfadjen fort! 

Perfumer! 
2880 Hetn, todren es bie Koftbarfetten aud) 

Der gan3en XDelt ! Icicfyt riifyr' an ! toenn 3^ r m * r 
Dorfyer md?t fd)tr>ort, r>on btefer einstgen 
(Betegenfyett, bergletdjen (£udj ber ^immel 
Htdjt jroetmal fdjtcfen tturb, (Sebraud? 3U madjem 

Viatlian. 

a 88 5 (Bebraud? ? von was? — (Belegenfyett? tr>03u? 

Da\a. 

<D ftellt (£ud? nid?t fo fremb! — ZTtit fur$en ZDorten ! 



230 Hatfyan ber IDetfe. 

Der Cempelfyerr liebt &zd)a: gebt fie tfym, 

So fyat bod} einmal Sure Siinbe, bie 

3d) langer nidjt rerfdjtpeigen fann, ein €nbe. 

2890 So fommt bas ZHdbdjen uneber unter (E^rtften ; 

VOivb toieber tt>as fte ift ; ift uneber, was 

Sie wavb: unb 3^ r > 3^ r fy a k* m ^ all bem (Buten, 

Das tptr (£udj nicfyt genug t>erbanfen fonnen, 

Hidjt ^euerfofylen blof auf <£uer £}aupt 

2895 (Befammelt 

Hainan, 

Dodj bie alte £eier txneber? — 
2Ttit einer neuen Saite nur be3ogen, 
Die, fiirdjt' id), toeber ftimmt nod? fydlt, 

H)ie fo? 
nat^an. 

ZTttr roar' ber tEempelfyerr fcbon recfyt 3*? m gonnt' 
3d) Hc&ia mefyr als einem in ber IDett. 
2 9 oo2tllein . . ♦ Hun, fyabt nur ©ebulb. 

(Sebulb? 
(Sebulb, ift (£ure alte £eier nun 
XDofy nid?t? 

Hur trenig Cage nodj (Bebulb ! . . . 
Siefy bod}\ — IDer fommt benn bort? (£in Klofterbruber? 
<£>efy, frag' ifyn roas er ttnlL 

VOas trirb er rpollen? 
(Ste gefyt auf ifyn 3U unb fragt.) 

2905 So gieb ! — unb efy er bittet — (VDix^t 1 id) nur 






Hatfyan ber tD e i f e. 231 

X)em Cempelberrn erft bei3ufommen, ofynz 
Die Urfad?' meincr Heugier ifym 311 fagen ! 
Venn xoenn id? fie it?m fag\ unb ber Derbacbt 
3ft ot?ne ©runb: fo fyaV id? gan3 umfonft 
3910 Den Pater auf bas Spiel gefe^L) — VOas iff 5? 

<£r roill <£ud? fpred?en* 

Him, fo laf tl?n fommen; 

Unb gel} inbes* 



Siebenter 2tuftritt. 
7Xatl\an unb ber Klofterbruber. 

Hainan* 

(3d? bliebe Hed?as Pater 
Dod? gar 311 gern ! — ^toar fann id?'s benn nid?t bleiben, 
21ud? roenn id? auff?6r ? , es 311 t?eifen? — 3fy r r 
2915 3*? r f e ^ft roerb' W s bod? immer aud? nod? beif en, 
IDenn fte erfennt, toie gern id?'s rodre.) — (Set? ! — 
XOas ift 3U (£uern Dienften, frommer Bruber? 

2Uofterbrubet\ 

Hidjt zbzn r>ieL — 3d? freue mid?, £)err Hatt?an, 
(£ud? annod? tr>of?l 3U fel?n. 

Hainan, 

So fennt 3^ r ntid?? 

tttofterbrufcer* 

2920 3^nu; tper fennt (£ud? nid?t? 3^ r M a bi fo mand?em 



232 ZtatfyanbertDetfe. 

3a (£uern Xiamen in bie tyanb gebrucft 
(£r ftet?t in meiner aud?, feit t>ielen 3 a fy ren * 

tlatl^an (nad? fetnem Beutel langenb). 
Kommt, Bruber, fommt; id? frifd?' i^n auf* 

2Uoftert>rufcet\ 

§abt Dan! I 

3d? tourb' es 2Irmern ftefylen ; nefyme nid?ts* — 

2925 U?enn 3*? r m ^ r nur erlauben trollt, ein toenig 

(£ud? m ein en Hamen .aufsufrifdjen* Denn 

3d? fann mid? tubmen, aud? in (£ure f}anb 

(Ettx>as gelegt 3U fyaben, teas nid?t 5U 

Derad?ten wax. 

Vlattian. 

Deceit?! ! — 3d? fd?ame mid? — 
2930 Sagt, was? — unb nel?mt 3m: Bufe ftebenfad? 
Den H)ert besfelben von mir an v 

2ilofterbru5et\ 

£?ort bod? 
Vox alien Dingen, txrie id? felber nur 
(Erft fyeut an bies mein (£ud? rertrautes pfanb 
(£rinnert toorben! 

Hainan* 

ZTTir rertrautes Pfanb? 

2Uofterbvu5et\ 

2935 Dor fur3em faf id? nod? als €remit 

2tuf Quarantana, unroeit 3 er *d?o* 

Da fam arabifd? Kaubgefinbel, brad? 

ZHein (SottesI?dusd?en ab unb meine &tf&z, 

Unb fd?leppte mid? mil fort <5 um ©liicf entfam 
2940 3d? nod?, unb flot? fyierber 3um Patriard?en, 

Urn mir ein anber Pla^d?en aus3ubitten, 



HatfyanbcrrDetfe. 233 



TXUwo id? meinem (5ott in (Etnfamfeit 
Bis an meiu felig (Enbe bienen fonne* 

natban. 

jd? ftet?' auf Kofyleu, guter Bruber* 2Ttad?t 
2945 (£s fur3* Z)as Pfanb ! bas mir rertraute Pfanb ! 

ttlofterfctufcer, 

Sogleid?, £)err Icatl?am — Hun, ber Patriarch 

Perfprad? mir eine Siebelei auf Cabor, 

Sobalb als eine leer; unb fyief in3tpifd?en 

3m Klofter mid? als Saienbruber bleiben. 

2950 X)a bin id) jei§t, £?err Xcatfyan ; unb rerlange 

Des £ags tt)ot?l f?unbertmal auf Cabor. Denn 

Der Patriard? braud?t mid? ju alierlei, 

IDor>or id) grofen (Efel t?abe, ^um 

(£rempel : 

Hainan* 

IHadjt, id? bit? <£ud?I 

XTun, es fommtl- 

2955 Da B?at if?m jemanb t?eut ins (Df?r gefe^t: 

<Es lebe f?ier l?erum ein ^>ubz f ^er 

(£in (£f?riftenfinb als feine £od?ter fid? 

€r3oge. 

natban. 

XOk ? (Setroffen.) 

*&lc)ttvbvvibcv. 

tyovt mid) nur aus ! — ^nbzm 
(Er mir nun auftrdgt, biefem J u ^ en ftracfs, 
29 6o XDo mogtid?, auf bie Spur 5U fommen, unb 
©etpaltig fid? ob eines fokben ^repels 
€r3urnt, ber ii?m bie toat?re Siinbe tpiber 



234 Ha than ber IDetfe. 

Den fyeil'gen <S>eift bcbiinFt ; — bas ift, bie Siinbe, 
Die aller Siinben grofte Siinb' uns gilt, 

2965 Hur ba% urir, <0oit fei Danf, fo red?t nid?t toiffen, 
JDorin fie eigentlid? beftefyt : — 5a toad?t 
XTtit einmal mein (Settnffen auf; unb mir 
^allt bei, id} fonnte felber tDot?l rorseiten 
<5u biefer unt>er5eit?lid? grof en Siinbe 

2970 (Belegenfyeit gegeben fyaben* — Sagt: 

I}at (£ud? ein Heitfned?t nid?t r»or adjtjefyn 3 a fy rer t 
(£in t£dd?terd?en gebrad?t t>on toenig ZDod?en? 

Uatfyan. 
XDte bas? — Hun freilid? — allerbings — 

lilofterbruber* 

<Et, fei?t 
ZtTid? bod? red?t an ! — Der Xeitf ned?t, ber bin id?. 

Hainan, 

2975 Seib 3fyr? 

Der £?err, r>on roeld?em id?'s (£ud? bradjte, 
IDar — ift mir red?t — ein £)err von ^ilnef/ — XDoif 

Don £tinef I 

ZiatVian. 

Hid?tig ! 

2Uoftert>rubet\ 

XDeil bie ZTCutter fur3 
Porter geftorben tpar; unb ftd? ber Pater 
Ziad) — mein' id? — ®atfa ploijlid? roerfen muf te, 
2 9 8o2DoI)tn bas tDurmdjen il?m nicbt folgen fonnte: 
So fanbf er's (£ud?, Unb traf id? (£ud? bamit 
Hid?t in Darun? 

@an$ red?t! 



ttattian ber IDetfe. 235 

Klofterfcruber* 

(£s war fetn IDunber, 
IDenn mein (Sebdcfytnis mid) betrog\ 3^ fyabe 
Der braren £)errn fo tnel gefyabt; unb biefem 
2 9 8 5 §ab' id) nur gar 3U furse ^ett gebient. 
(£r blieb .balb brauf bet Hsfalon; unb roar 
IDofyl fonft ein lieber £>err. 

3<x roofyl ! ja roofyl! 
Dem id? fo tnel, fo r>iel 3U banfen Ijabzl 
Der mefyr als etnmal mid? bem Scfyroert entriffen i 

2Uoftert>rubet\ 

2990® fdjon! So roerb't 3^ r feines Ocbtercfyens 
(£ud) urn fo lieber angenommen fyabzn. 

tiatlian. 

Das fount 3*? r benfem 

2(iofterbrubet\ 

Hun, tx>o ift es benn? 

<£s ift bod? roofyl nid?t etroa gar geftorbert? — 

£af t's lieber nicfyt geftorbert fein ! — IDenn fonft 

2995 Hur niemanb urn bie Sadje roeif: fo if at 

(£5 gute XDege. 

Vlattian. 

§at es? 

Craut mir, Icatfyan [ 
Denn fefyt, id? benf e fo ! IDenn an has (Bute, 
Das id) 3U tfyun t>ermeine, gar 3U nab 
Was gar ju Sd)limmes gren3t: fo tfyu' id? lieber 
3000 Das (Bute nid)t; roeit roir bas Scblimme sroar 
So 3iemlid) jurerlafftg fennen, aber 
Bei roeitem nicfyt bas (Bute* — IDar ja roofyl 



236 Hatban ber IPetfe. 

Zcatiirlid?; toenn bas (£tjriftent6ci?terdjen 
Hodjt gut von (£ud? erjogen toerben follte: 

3005 Qa% 3I?r's als (£uer eigen tldd?terd?en 
<£r3ogt. — Das fydttet 3br m ^ a ^ er £teb' 
Unb {£reue nun getfyan, unb miiftet fo 
Beloi?net toerben? Das rotll mir nid?t etru 
. <£i freilid?, fliiger i?dttet 3^ r getfyan; 

3010 IDenn 3*? r ^ie Cfyriftin burd? bie 3toeite f}anb 
2lls <£t?riftin aufer3ief?en laffen: aber 
So f?dttet 3^? r ^as #inbd?en (£ures ^reunbs 
2lud? nid?t geliebi Unb Kinber braud?en Ciebe, 
IDdr's eines txrilben Uteres £ieb' aud? nur, 

3015 3 n fold?en 3 a ^? ren tnefyr, ate Cljriftentum. 
<?>um <£t?riftentume that's nod? immer ^eit 
IDenn nur bas Xndbd?en fonft gefunb unb fromrrc 
Vox (£uern 2lugen aufgetr>ad?fen ift, 
So blieb's t>or (Bottes 2lugen, tras es roar* 

3020 Unb tft bznn nid?t bas gan3e (Lfyriftentum 
2tufs 3 u ^tttum gebaut? <£s I?at mid) oft 
(Sedrgert, t?at mtr Cbrdnen g'nug gefoftet, 
IDenn (Efyrtften gar fo fel?r t>ergeffen fonnten, 
Daf unfer £)err ja felbft ein 3 u ^ e rDar * 

natfyan. 

3025 3^? r / guter Bruber, muf t metn ^iirfprad? fein, 
tDenn £?a§ unb (Bleisnerei fid? gegen mid? 
(£rfyeben follten, — tr>egen einer tTf?at — 
7X1}, roegen einer {£f?at! — Xcur 3^ r r 3*? r follt 
Sie roiffen! — Hefymt fie aber mit ins <8rab! 

3030 Hod? f?at mid? nie bie (Eitelfett t>erfud?t, 
Sie jemanb anberm 3U e^dblem (£ud? 
2tllein treaty id? fie. Der frommen Cinfalt 
2lUein tx$al)V id? fie. IDeil bie allein 
Derftefyt, teas fid? ber gottergebne ZHenfd? 

3035 ^iir t£t?aten abgeioinnen fann. 



Hatfyauber IDetfe. 237 

ttlofterbrufcer* 

3ty* fetb 

(geriityrt, unb (£uer 2tuge ftetyt roll IDaffer? 

3f?r traft mid? mit bem Kinbe 3U Darun. 

3tyr unft tootyl aber nictyt, baf toenig tEage 

<5ur>or, in (Batty bie (£tyriften alle 3 u & en 
3040 licit IDeib unb Kinb ermorbet fatten; rotf t 

IDotyl nictyt, baf unter biefen meine ^rau 

TXlit fieben tyoffnungsrollen Sotynen fid? 

Befunben, bie in nieines Brubers £}aufe, 

<gu bem id? fie geftiid?tet, insgefamt 
3045 Derbrennen muffen* 

Klofterbruber* 

2tllgered?ter ! 

naityan. 

Tils 

3tyr famt, tyatt' id? brei Cag' unb Xxdctyt' in 2tfd? J 

Unb Staub ror (gott gelegen, unb gerceint, — 

(Betoeint? Bextyer mit (Sott and) trotyl gerectytet, 

©e3iirnt, geiobt, mid? unb bie IDelt t)ertounfd?t; 

3 o 5 o Der Ctyriftentyeit ben unt>erfotynlid?ften 

£)a$ 3ugefd?tr»oren — 

Hlo\Uvbvubcv. 

^<ty! 3 d ? gtaub's (£ud? tootyl! 

Vod) nun fam bie Dernunft allmdtylicty ttneber* 
Sie fprad? mit fanfter Sttmm': „Unb bod) ift <£>ott! 
Docty roar aud? (Bottcs Xatfctyluf bas ! IPotylau ! 
3055 Komml iibe, was bu langft begriffen tyaft; 
Was fictyerlicty 3U iiben fd?tr>erer nictyt 
2tls 3U begreifen ift, tpenn bu nur txrillft. 



238 Hatfyan ber tUetfc. 

Stcf? auf!" — 3d? ftanb! unb rief 511 (Sott : td? rotll ! 

IDillft bu nur, baf id) trill! — 3 n ^em fttegt 3fyr 
3060 Pom Pferb, unb tiberreid?tet mir bas Kinb, 

3n (£uern UTantel eingefytillh — Was 3^ r 

IHir bamals fagtet; tr>as id? (£ud?: fyafr id? 

Dergeffem So t>iel tr>eif id? nur; id) nat?m 

Pas Kinb, trug's auf rnein £ager, fiif t' es, roarf 
3065 ZHid) auf bie Knie unb fd?lud?3te: <8ott! auf fieben 

Pod? nun fdjon eincs toieber! 

2itofterbrubet\ 

Hatfyan ! Hainan ! 
3br feib ein <£f?rift! — Bei ©ott, 3*?r feib ein £l?rift! 
(£in beffrer (thrift roar niel 

Haitian. 

VDofy uns! Denn tr>as 
UTid? <£ud? jum (Efjriften mad?t, bas mad?t (£ud? mir 

3070 ^um 3 u ^en! — 2tber laft uns langer uid?t 
(£inanber nur ertr>eid?em I}ier braucbfs tEf?at! 
Unb ob mid? fiebenfad?e £iebc fd?on 
Balb an bies ein3'ge frcmbc Htdbcben banb; 
(Db ber ©ebanfe mid? fd?on totet, bajr 

30753^ roeine fieben Sot?n' in il?r aufs neue 

Derlieren foil: — trenn fie Don metnen f^dnben 
Die Dorftd?t roieber forbert, — id? gef?ord?e ! 

2Uoftevbrufcet\ 

Hun t>ollenbs ! — <£bzn bas bzbad)t J id? mid? 
So t)iel, (£ud? anjuraten ! Unb fo £?at's 
3080 (£ud? (£uer guter ©eift fd?on angeraten! 

natlian. 

XTur muf ber erfte befte mir fie nid?t 
(£ntreif en ir>ollen ! 



Hatha n be r IPeife. 239 

Xcein, gcun§ nidjt! 

Zl<xtt\an. 

IDcr 

2tuf fte nicftt grofre Hecate Ijat, als id); 
ZTTuf friibere 3um minften fyaben — 



Klofterbrufcer* 

Hatban* 

3085 Die xfym Hatur unb Blut erteilen* 

*Klc)tevbvubev. 

2T£ein' id? es audjl 



^reilid? ! 



So 



Hainan. 

X)rum nennt mir nur gefd)tr>inb 
Den ZTTann, ber ifyr als Bruber ober (Dl)m, 
2Ils better ober fonft als Sipp' rcrnxmbf: 
3I?m tr>ill id) fte nidfyt rorentfyalien — Sie, 
3090 Die jebes f}aufes, jebes (Slaubens ^ierbe 
<^u fein erfefyaffen unb er3ogen warb. — 
3d? fyoff, 3^? r tx^i^t r>on biefem (Euctm Rerrn 
Unb bem (£>efdjled)te beffen, meljr als id>. 

'Klofterbrtiber* 

Das, guter Hatban, mol)l nun fd?tr»erlid? ! — Denn 
3095 3*? r t? a tt ja fdion gefyort, ba% id} nur gar 
<?)u fut^e gert bet ifym getoefen* 

Hatban* 

HHft 

3br benn nicbt trenigftens, tras fur ©efcblecbts 
Die Hlutter war? — XDav fte nicbt etne Staufftn ? 

tDobl moglid? ! — 3 a / m ^ biinft 



240 Xlatl\ari ber IPetfe. 

natfyan. 

f)ief nicbt ifyr Bruber 
3iooKonra6 von Stauffen? — unb wax Cempelfyerr? 

ttlofterfcrufcer* 

JDenn mice's nicbt triigt, Dod) t^alt ! Da fdllt mir ein, 
Daf id) t>om fel'gen £)crrn ein Biid)eld)en 
Xcod) fyab\ 3^ 3°9 S i*? m aus & em Bufen, als 
XDir ifyn bet 2tsfalon t>erfd)arrten, 

Hainan* 

Hun? 

3105 €s finb (Sebete brin* H)ir nennen's ein 

Bremer. — Das, bad)t' id), fann ein Cfyrtftenmenfd) 
3a tr>of)l nod) braudjen* — 3^ nun freilid) nidjt — 
3d? fann nidjt lefen — 

natVian. 

tEfyut nidjts ! — Hur $ur Sadje* 

2Clofterfcrubet\ 

3n biefem Biid)eld)en ftet>n corn unb fyinten, 
3 iTo2Die id) mir fagen laffen, mit bes £)errn 
Selbfteigner ^anb bie 2lngefyorigen 
Von ifym unb ifyr gefd)rieben* 

Hainan. 

(D ertxmnfdjt! 
<Sel)t! lauft! fyolt mir bas Bud)eld)em <S>efd)ttnnb ! 
3d) bin bereit mit (Botb es auf3Utr>iegen ; 
31x5 Unb taufenb Dan! ba3u! (gilt! iauft! 

lilofterfrrufcer* 

Htd/l gern ! 
€s ift Ztrabifd) aber, was ber fjerr 
f}tneingefd)rieben* (21b.) 



Hatban ber IDeife. 241 

Viattian. 

(Einerlei ! Xcur fyer! — 
<Sott! tr»enn id} bocf) bas ZTCabdjcn nod} befyalten, 
Unb etncn folcfcen (£ibam mir bamit 

3120 (Erfaufen fonnte ! — Sd}tr>erltd} wolfl I — Hun, fall' 
<£s aus, rote's rotll! — IDer mag es aber benn 
©etoefen fein, ber bet bem Patriardjen 
So ettoas angebrad}!? Das muf id) bod} 
^u fragen nid}t t>ergeffen. — JDenn es gar 

3125 Port Daja fame? 



2ld}ter JIufiritt. 

Daja unb Zlatfyan. 

X>aja (etltg unb rerlegen). 

Denft bod?, Hattjan ! 

Hainan* 

Hun? 

Das arme Ktnb erfcfrraf tpofyl redjt bariiberl 

Da fd}icft . . . 

Hainan. 

Der Patrtardj? 

Des Sultans Sd}toefter, 
Prinjefftn Sittaf} 

Uatban. 

Tii&jt ber Patriard} ? 

Hein, Sittafy ! — f^ort J^ r nid}t? — prinseffin Sittafy 
3 i3oSd}idt fyer, unb Idft fie 3U fid? fyolen. 



242 Hainan bet lUetfe. 

IDen? 
£dft Ucd)a fyolen? — Sittaf} laft fie fyolen? — 
Hun; toenn fie Sittat} fyolen laft, unb nidjt 
Der Patriard} • . • 

H)ie fommt 3^? r ^enn au f ^n? 
Hainan. 

So fyaft bu fu^Ucf) nidjts t>on ifym gefyort? 
3135 <8cttri§ nid)t? 2lud} ifym nidjts geftecft? 

3aja* 

3d}? ifym? 
Hainan* 

ZDo ftnb bie Boten? 

Porn* 

ttat^aru 

3d} txrill fie bod} 
2tus Dorficfyt felber fpredjem Komm ! — IDenn nur 
Pom Patriard}en nid}ts bafyinter ftecft. (21b.) 

Unb id? — id? fiirdjte gan3 teas anbers nod?* 
3140 XPas gilt's? bie einjige rermeinte Colter 

So eines reid}en 3 u ^ en war' au d? rvoljl 

$i\x einen Zltufelmann nid}t libel? — f}ui, 

Der Cempelfyerr ift brum. 3f* brum: tr>enn id} 

Den 3tt>eiten Sdjritt nxd)t aud? nod} tr>age; nidjt 
3145 2tud} ifyr nod} felbft entbecfe, roer fie ift ! — 

©etroft ! £af mid} bzn erften 2lugenblicf, 

Den id} allein fie Iqabz, ba$u braucfyen ! 

Unb ber rcirb fein — t>ielleid}t nun eben, tpenn 

3d} fie beglette* So ein erfter XDinf 
3150 Kann untertoegens tDenigftens nid?t fdjabem 

3^/ jci ! Hur 3u ! 3 e *§t ober nie ! Icur 3U 1 Ofym nad?.) 



Hainan ber XDctfe. 243 

^tinfter 2tuf?u<j* 

(grfter 2tuftrttt 

(53ene: bas gtmmer in Saiabtns palafte, in tpelcfyes bte Beutel 

mit (5elb getragen tr>orben, bte nod? 3U febcn.) 

Salab'xn unb balb barauf t>erfd?tebene HI a m el u (fen. 

SalaMu (tm £?eretntreten). 

Da ftefyt bas ©elb nun nod? ! Unb niemanb tt>ei§ 
Den Derroifdj aufjufinben, ber rermutltcfy 
2tns Sd?ad?brett irgenbtco geraten ift, 
315s Das ifyn tpofyl fciner felbft rergeffen madjt; — 

JDarum nicbt meiner? — Hun, (Bebulbl JDas giebt's? 

<Ein atamelutf* 

(£rroiinfd)te Zcacfjridjt, Sultan! ^reube, Sultan I . . „ 
Die Kararoane von Kafyira fommt; 
3ft gliicflicfy ba! mit ftebenjdfyrigem 
3 i6oCribut bes reidjen Icils, 

Balabin. 

Brat), ^bvahxml 
Du bift mir toabrlid? ein trnllfommner Bote! — 
£}a 1 enblid) etumall enblid? ! — tyabt Danf 
Der guten <5)eitung* 

Der 2Ttamelud: (tpartenb). 

(Hun? nur t?er bamit!) 

Salabin. 

VOas toart'ft bu ? — (Befy nur toieber* 

Der ZITamelucf. 

Dem IDillfommnen 

3 i6 5 Sonft nicfyts? 



244 Hatfyan bet IDeife. 

Salabin. 

VDas benn nod? fonft? 

Der Wiamclud. 

Dem guten Boten 
Kern Botenbrot? — So tr>ar' id} ja ber erfte, 
Den Salabin mil IDorten ab3ulof)nen, 
Dodj enblicfy lernte? — Hud) ein 2?ufym! — Der erfte, 
XHtt bem er fmcferte* 

Salabin. 

So nimm Mr nur 
5100 Dort einen BeuteL 

Der JTTamelucf* 

Icein, nun ntdjt! Du fannft 
Utir fie nun alle fcfyenfen toollen* 

Salabin* 

£ro£! — 

Komm fyer! Da fyaft bu jtDeL — 3 m <£mft? er gefyt? 
Cfyut mir's an (Ebelmut 3ur>or? — Denn ftdjer 
ITTuf ifym es faurer toerben, aus3ufd?lagen, 
3175 2tls mir ju geben* — 3^ ra ^ m I — ^ as fommt 
ZTtir benn aucfy ein, fo fur3 r>or meinem 2tbtritt 
2luf einmal gan3 etn anbrer fein 3U roollen ? — 
XDill Salabxn als Salabxn nxd)t fterben? — 
So muff er audj als Salabin nidjt lebem 

ffiin }tt>eiter tnamelucf* 

Hun, Sultan I ♦ ♦ ♦ 

Salabin* 

XDenn bu mir 3U melben fomm)i = . 

3tt>eiter ItTamelutf* 

Daf aus ilgypten ber transport nun ba ! 

3cfy tpeif fcfyon* 



Hainan ber XPeife. 245 

5weiter ttTamelucf. 

Ham id) bod) 3U fpat ! 

Balabin. 

IDarum 

<?>u fpdt? — Da nimm ffir beinen guten IDillen 
Der Beutel etnen ober 3tr>ei. 

3weiter Zltametucf* 

VTiad)t brei! 

3185 3 a / toertn bu redmen fannft! — So nimm fie nur. 

5u?eiter 2TCamelucL 

<£s roirb toofyl nod? ein britter fommen, — roenn 
<£r anbers fommen fann* 

Salabin. 

Wk bas? 

3tt>eiter ntamelucf, 

3 e nii; 

<£r fyat aud) trotyl ben £}als gebrocfyen ! Denn 
Sobalb ir>ir brei ber 2lnfunft bes Cransports 
3x90 Derjtcbert roaren, fprengte jeber frifdj 
Daroru Der Dorberfte, ber ftiir3t; unb fo 
Komm' id) nun vox, unb bleib' aucfy por bis in 
Die Stabt; too aber ^>bxal)im, ber Cecfer, 
Die (Baffen beffer fennt 

SalaMn, 

(D ber <0efttir3te! 
3195 ^reunb, ber <£>eftiir3te ! — Sett' ifym bod) entgegen, 

5weiter ffiamelud. 

Das roerb 1 id) ja woi)l tfyun ! — Unb roenn er lebt: 
So ift bie f}dlfte biefer Beutel feuu ((5el|t ab.) 



246 Zlattyan ber XDeife. 

SalaMn, 

Siefy, wtld) ein guter ebler Kerl aucfy bas ! — 
XDer fann fid? foldjer XHamelucfen rufymen? 
3200 Unb roar' mir bertn 3U benf en nicfyt erlaubt, 
Daf fie mem Beifptel bilben fyelfen? — ^ort 
XHit bem (Bebanfen, fie 5U guter £e£t 
Hod} an etn anbres 511 getpofynen ! ♦ ♦ . 

<Ein fitter Zltameluct* 

Sultan, , 
Salabtn* 

Bift bu's, ber fturste? 

fritter 21tamelu^ 

Xlein. 3^ tnelbe nur, — 
3205 Daf (£mir XTTanfor, ber bie Karattmne 
©efiifyrt, rom Pferbe fteigt . ♦ ; 



Da ift er ja! 



Salabin. 

Bring' ifyn ! gefd?tr>inb ! 



^toeiter 2luftritt 

<£mtr HI an for unb 5 a lab in. 

Zalabin. 

IDillfommen, (Emir! Hun, 
H)ie ift's gegangen? — ZHanfor, XHanfor, fyaft 
Uns lange tparten laffen ! 

Diefer Brief 
3210 Bericfytet, roas bein 2lbulfaffem erft 

^iir Unrufy' in Cfyebais bdmpfen mtiffen: 
(£fy' rotr es tpagen burften ab3iigefyen- 
Den 5 U S barauf fyafr id) befdjleuniget 
So triel, roie moglid? roar* 



Ha than ber lUctfc. 247 

Salabin. 

3d? glaube bir! — 
3215 Unb nimm nur, guter ZTfanfor, nimm fogleid? . * ♦ 
Du tbuft es aber bod) aud? gern? . • • nimm frifdje 
Bebecfung nur fogleid?* Du muft fogleid? 
Hod) tr>eiter; mujjt ber ©elber grofern Ceil 
2tuf Sibanon sum Pater bringem 

JKanfotr. 

©em! 
3 22o5eI?r gem! 

Salabiru 

Unb nimm bir bie Bebecfung ja 
Hur nid?t 5U fd?tr>ad?* <£s ift urn £ibanon 
Hid?! alles mebr fo ftd?er* £)aft bu nid?t 
<£>ei?ort? Die Cempell?errn finb trieber rege. 
Sei u>ot?l auf beiner ^ut! — Komm nur! Wo bait 
3225 Der <?>ug? 3^? v>M ^ n f e *? n ; ur ^^ a Ues felbft 
Betreiben* — 3^? r ^ i&l bin fobann bei Stttafy. 



Dritter Ztuftritt. 

(Scene: bie palmen r>or Hatbans X?au(e, mo ber (Eempelberr 
auf= unb ntebergebt). 

ttetnpel^err* 

3ns £}aus nun roill id) einmal ntcfyt. — <£r toirb 
Sid? enblid? bod) toofyl fefyen laffen ! — ZHan 
Bemerf te mid) ja fonft fo balb, fo gern ! — 

3230 IDilTs nod) erleben, 6a£ er ftdj's rerbittet, 
Dor feincm £)aufe mid) fo fleifig finben 
^u laffen. — ^m ! — id) bin bod? aber aud? 
Sel?r argcrlid). — Was l?at mid? benn nun fo 
(Erbtitert gegen if?n ? — (Er fagie ja : 

3235 Hod? fd?lug' er mir md?ts ab. Unb Salabin 



248 Hatfyan ber IDetfe. 

flat's iiber fid) genommen, ifyn 3U fttmmen* — 

IDie? follte tDtrflid? roofyl in ntir ber (£t)rift 

Xlod) tiefer niften, als in ifym ber 3 u ^e? — 

IDer fennt fid? red)t? IDie fount' id) ifym benn fonft 

3240 Den f teinen Uaub nid)t gonnen toollen, ben 
(£r ftdj's 3U foldjer 2tngelegenl)ett 
<8emad)t, ben Cfyrifien ab3ujagen? — ^reilid); 
Kein fleiner Haub, ein fold) ©efd)opf! — <£>efd)opf? 
Unb toeffen? — Dod) bes Sflaren nid)t, ber auf 

3245 Des £ebens oben Stranb ben Blocf geflog t, 
Unb fid) bason gemadjt? Des Kiinftlers bod) 
XDoifi met)r, ber in bem fjingetoorfnen Blocfe 
Die gottlid)e ©eftalt fid) badjte, bie 
<£r bargeftellt? — TXdfl Hed)as tr>at)rer Dater 

3250 Bleibt, trot* bem (Efyriften, ber fie 3eugte — bleibt 
3n (£tr>igfeit ber 3ube* — IDenn id) mir 
Sie lebiglid) als (Efyriftenbirne benfe, 
Sie fonber alles bas mir benfe, was 
Ztllein it)r fo ein 3 u ^ e geben f onnte : — 

325 5 Sprid) / l}er3, — was wat an if?r, bas bir gefiel'? 
Hid)ts! IDenig! Selbft ifyr £dd)eln, u>dr' es nid)ts 
2tls fanfte fd)5ne ^ucfung ifyrer IHusfeln; 
Wax, was fie ladjeln mad)t, bes Kei3es untr>ert, 
3n ben es ftd) auf tfyrem ZTtunbe fleibet: — 

3 a6o Xcein ; felbft tfyr £dd)eln nidjt 1 3^? ^ a ^' es J a 
lDot)l fd)oner nod) an ^tberttnlj, an GLanb, 
2tn f}of)nerei, an Sd)meid)ler unb an Bufyler, 
Perfdjroenben fe£)n I — f}at's ba mid) aud) be3aubert? 
flat's ba mir aud) ben XDunfd) entlocft, mein 'izbzn 

3265 3 n feinem Sonnenfd)eine 3U Derflattern ? — 
3d) roufte nid)t Unb bin auf b<^n bod) launifd), 
Der biefen fyofyern IDert allein ifyr gab? 
IDie bas? roarum? — IDenn id) ben Spott r>erbiente, 
UTit bem mid) Salabin entlief ! Sd)on fdjlimm 



Zlatban ber IDetfe. 



249 



3270 (Senug, ba$ Salabxn es glauben f onnte ! 
XDte flein kb ifym 6a fcijeineri mufte ! rote 
Vcvad)tl\d)l — Unb bas alles urn etn IHdbdjen? — 
Kurt! Kurt! bas gefyt fo nicbi £enf etn! IDenn sollenbs 
ITcir Daja nur tr>as rorgeplaubert E?dtte, 

3275 IDas fd)tr>erlid? 3U ertoeifen ftiinbe? — Siefy, 
Da tritt er enblid?, in (Befprdd) Dertieft, 
2tus feinem fjaufe ! — fjal mit tEem ! — ZTXtt ifym? 
2Tttt meinem Klofterbruber? — tyal fo tr>ei§ 
(Er ficberlidj fcbon alles ! ift toofyl gar 

3280 V em Patriarcfyen fd?on rerraten ! — f}a! 
IDas fyab 1 id? Querfopf nun geftiftet! — Daf 
(£in ein3'ger ^unfen biefer Ceibenfdjaft 
Dod? unfers f}irns fo riel t>erbrennen fann ! — 
(Befdfytoinb entfd)Iie£ bid?, roas nunmefyr 5U tfyun! 

3285 3^? rotll Ijter fetttpdris ifyrer tparten ; — ob 
Pielleidjt ber Klofterbruber tf?n reridft 



X)ierter 2tuftritt 

Hainan unb ber Klofterb ruber. 

Viatb^an (tm Hafyerfommen). 
£)abt nodjmals, guter Bruber, r>ielen Danf! 

2ilofterfrruber. 

Unb 3*? r besgleidjen I 

Vlatlian. 

3d)? von (£ucb? toofiir ? 
$iiv meinen (Eigenfinn, £ucb auf3ubriugen, 
3290 VO as 3^ r nidft braudit? — 3 a r tocnu ibm (£urer nur 
2ludj nad?gegeben fydtt'; 3*? r m ^ <8etr>alt 
Zcidjt roolltet reidjer fein, als id?. 



250 ZTatfyan bcr tDetfe. 

^Uofterfcrufccr* 

Pas Bud? 

(Befyort ja ofynebem nicfyt mir; gefyort 
3cx ofynebem ber Colter; ift ja fo 
3295 Der tTodjter gauges rdterlicfyes (£rbe* — 
3e nu, fie fyat ja (Eud^ — (Bott gebe nur, 
^ a § 3fy r e$ n * e bereuen biirft, fo r»iel 
^iir fie getfyan 3U f?aben ! 

Hainan. 

Karm id? bas? 
Das fann id? me* Seib unbeforgt ! 

2Uofterfrrufcer* 

Hu, nu! 
3300 Die Patriard?ert unb bie Cempelljerren . . . 

Ziatfyan. 

Dermogen mir bes Bofen nie fo r>iel 
<?>u tfyun, ba$ irgenb tr>as mid? reuen fonnte: 
(8efdjtr>eige, bas! — ttrtb feib 3*? r bznn fo gans 
Derftd?ert, ba$ ein Cempelfyerr es ift, 
3305 Der (Euern patriarcfyen f?ei§t? 

2iIofterbru5er* 

<£s fann 
Betnafy fein anbrer fein. (Ein tEempelfyerr 
Sprad? f ur3 t>orfyer mit ifym ; unb tr>as id? fyorte. 
Das Hang barnad?. 

(£s ift bodj aber nur 
(Ein ein3iger jeijt in 3 eru f a l em - 
3310 Unb biefen f enn' id}* Diefer ift mein ^reunb* 
(Ein junger, ebler, offncr ZITann ! 

Silofterbvufcer* 

(San3 recfyt, 



HatfyanberlDetfe. 251 

Der ndmlidje! — Dod) was man ift, uvb was 

IVian fetn mug in ber XDelt, bas pagt ja wotjl 

Tixdjt immer* 

ViatVian. 

Ceiber nid)t. — So tbue, tier's 
3315 2Iud) immer ift, fcin Sd)limmftes ober Beftes ! 
ZTTtt <£urem Bud)e, Bruber, iroi^ id) alien; 
Unb gefye graben H)egs bamit sum Sultan. 

2Uoiterbru£>et\ 

EHel (Sliicfs ! 3^? ^^ ^ u ^? ^enn nur fy* er t>erlaffetu 

Unb fyabt fte nid)t einmal gefefyn? — Kommt ja 
3320 Dod) balb, bod? fleif ig roieber. — IDenn nur fyeut 
Dor Patriarch nod) nid)ts erfdfyrt! — Dod) tr>as? 
Sagt ifym and) fyeute, tt>as 3*? r tpollt* 

2ilofterfcruber* 

3d? nid)t 
£ebt tr>ot)l! (<5ef\t ab.) 

Pergegt uns ja nicbt, Bruber! — <2>ott ! 
Daf id) nid)t gleid) fyier unter freiem ^immel 

3325 2tuf meine Kniee finfen fawn ! IDie fid) 
Der Knoten, ber fo oft mir bange mad)te, 
Hun von fid) felber lofet! — (Bott! rote leid)t 
ZHir ttnrb, ba$ id) nun tpeiter auf ber XDclt 
Hid)ts 3U rerbergen l\abt\ baf id) r>or 

3330 Den 2Ttenfd)en nun fo fret fann toanbeln, als 
Dor bir, ber bu allein bzn UTenfdjen nid)t 
Had) feinen Cfyaten braudjft 5U rid)ten, bie 
So felten feine ^aizn finb, ©ott! — 



252 Rattan berXDeife. 

^finfter 2tufirttt. 
Zlattian unb ber C e m p e I fy c r r, bcr t)on bcr Sette cmf tt^n 3uFommi 

Hempelfyerr* 

f}e ! roartet, Hainan; nefymt mid? mit 1 

nat*i<xn. 

IDer ruft? — 

3335 Seib 3^? r e5 / Hitter? XDo getoefen, 6af 

3fyr bet bem Sultan (gud? nid?t treffen laffen? 

€empelfyerr, 

ZDir finb einanber fefylgegangeru Xcefymt's 

Hid?t iibeL 

Haitian. 

3d? nidjt ; aber Salabin * ♦ * 

3fyr toart nur eben fort ♦ ♦ 

Haitian. 

Unb fprad?t il?n bod?? 
3340 Hun, fo ift's gut. 

(Er trill uns aber beibe 
r^ufammen fpred?en* 

Viatt\an. 

Sefto beffer. Kommt 
Hur mit ZHein (Sang ftanb ot?nef?in 3U ifyrru — 

£empelt}ert\ 

3d? barf ja bod) tr>of?l fragen, Xcatf?an, tr>er 

(£ud? ba t>erlie§? 

Tiatban. 

3t?r fount if?n bod? tr>ol?I nid?t? 



ZXatban 6c r tDeife. 353 

tZempeltjerr, 

3345 IDar's nicfyt bie gute f}aut, ber Saienbruber, 
Des ficfy ber Patriarcfy fo gern jum Stober 
Bebient? 

Hainan. 

Kann fetn ! Seim Patriardjen ift 
<£r allerbings* 

£empell>err* 

Der Pftff ift gar ntdjt iibel: 
Die (Etnfalt r>or ber Sc^urferei t>oraus 
3350 £\x fdjicfem 

Hainan* 

3a, bie bumme ; — ntdjt bie fromme* 

^empel^err, 

2tn fromme glaubt fein Patriard?* 

Hainan* 

^iir ben 

ZTun flefy* id}* Der roirb feinem Patriardjen 
Zcidjts Ungebiifyrlid?es rollsiefyen fyclfen. 

Sempelberr* 

So ftellt er toenigftens fid) an. — Dod) fyat 
3355 €r (£ud? r>on mir benn nidjts gefagt? 

Haitian. 

Von (End)? 
Don (£ud? nun namentlid? wohl nicfyts* — (Er tseif 
3a roofyl aud? fcfytoerlicfy (Euern Xiamen? 

Sdj tr>erlid}, 
Hainan. 

Don etnem Cempclfyerren freilicfy fyat 
<£r mir gefagt . ♦ ♦ 



2 C4 Hatha it ber ZPeife. 

Unb roar?? 

IDomit er (£ud? 
3360 Dod} ein= fur allemal nid?t meinen fann! 

€etnpelfjert\ 

IDer tueif? £aft bod? nur t?6rem 

Daf mid? einer 
Bet feinem Patriard?en angeflagt ♦ ♦ ♦ 

(£ud? angeflagt? — Das ift, mit feiner (Bunft — 
(Erlogcn. — f}ort mid), Xcatl?an! — 3d? bin nid?t 

3365 Der ItTenfd?, ber irgenb etroas absuleugneu 
3mftanbe tpare. IDas id? tf?at, bas tl?at id?! 
Dod? bin id? aud? nid?t ber, ber alles, was 
(Er tt?al, als tr>ol?lgeit?an t>ertetb'gen mod?te. 
Was follt' id? eines ^ef?ls mid? fd?dmen ? fjab' 

3370 3d? Ktcfjt ben feften Porfaij if?n 5U beffenf? 
Unb tpeif id? ettr>a nid?t, tr>ie tr>eit mit bem 
<£s IHenfd?en bringen f onnen ? — £?ort mid?, Hatfyan ! — 
3d? bin bes Caienbrubers Cempell?err, 
Der (£ud? perflagt foil t?aben, allerbings* — 

3375 3*? r tx^t^t ja, tr>as mid? rourmifd? mad?te ! teas 
ZTTein Blut in alien 2Xbern fieben mad?te! 
3d? ©aud? ! — id? fam, fo gan5 mit £eib unb Seel' 
(Eud? in bie 2trme mid? $u toerferu XDie 
3I?r mid? empftngt — trie fait — tr>ie lau — benn lau 

3380 3ft fd?Iimmer nod} als fait; tr>ie abgemeffen 
ZTTir aus3ubeugen 3fy r befliffen trart; 
ZITit tt>eld?en aus ber £uft gegriffnen ^ragen 
3t?r 2lnttDort mir $u a>zbm fd?einen tpolltet: 



HatfjaTtbcrltfetfe. 255 

Das barf id? faum mir jetst nod? benfen, trenn 
3385 3^? f°U gelaffen bleibem — £?ort mid), Hatban ! — 
3n biefer <8dl?rung fd?lid? mir Daja nad?, 
Hub roarf mir ifyr <5el?eimnis an ben Kopf, 
Das mir ben 2tuffd?lu§ (gures rdtfelbaften 
Betragens 3U entfyalten fd?ien. 

ttatfyan. 

XDie bas? 
£empelt}err* 

3390 ^ort mid? nur ausl — 3<3? bilbete mir ein, 
3fy* toolltet, teas 3^? r ^tnmal nun ben (Lfyriften 
So abgejagt, an einen (£f?riften toieber 
Icidjt gern t>erlieren. Unb fo fiel mir ein, 
(£ud? fur3 unb gut bas ZTfeffer an bie Kefyle 

3395 <gu fefcen. 

Kur3 unb gut? unb gut? — Wo ftecft 
Das (Bute? 

Setnpelfyerr* 

f}ort mid?, Xcatfyan ! — 2lIIerbings : 
3d? tl?at nid?t red?t ! — 3*? r f e ^ tr»ot?l gar nid?t fdmlbig. — 
Die Icdrrin Daja roeif nid?t tr>as fte fprid?t — 
3ft <£ud? gefydfftg — Sud?t (£ud? nur bamit 
3400 3^t einen bofen ^anbel 3U rertoicfetn — 

Hann fein ! fann fein I — 3^? &™ e * n junger Caffe, 
Der immer nur an beiben (£nben fd?tr>drmt; 
Balb r>iel 3U r>iel, balb r>iel 3U tr>enig tt?ut — 
2lud? bas fann fein ! Der3eit?t mir, Hatfyam 

natfyan. 

IDenn 
3405 3^ r f^ Trttd? freilicb faffet — 

£etnpetfyerr, 

Kurj, id? ging 

(gum Patriardjen ! — ijab 1 (£ud? aber nid?t 



256 ZTatfyan ber IPetfe. 

©enannt Das ift erlogen, rote gefagtl 
3<i? fya& tfym blof ben ^ali gan3 allgemein 
(Ersafylt, um feine ZTTeinung 3U t>ernefymen- — 

3410 Hud) bas fydtf unterbleiben fonnen : ja bod? ! — 
Denn fannt' id) nid?t ben Patriard?en fd)on 
211s einen Scfyurfen? Konnt' id) (gud? nicfct felber 
Hur gleid? 5ur Hebe ftellen? — Zlluft' id? ber 
(Sefafyr, fo einen Pater 3U perlieren, 

3415 Das arme ZT£dbd)en opfern? — Hun, tr»as tout's? 
Die Sd?urferei bes Patriard?en, bie 
So df?nlid? immer fid? erfydlt, Ijat mid? 
Des ndd?ften IDeges toieber 3U mir felbft 
<gebrad?t — Denn fyort mid), Hatfyan ; fyort mid? aus ! — 

3420 (Befell; er tpflft' audj (Euern Hamen : roas 

Hun mefyr, tr>as mef?r? — €r fann (£ud? ja bas VTtabdfzn 
Hur net?men, tr>enn fte niemanbs ift, als (£uer* 
(£r fann fte bod? aus (£uerm £?aufe nur 
3ns Klofter fd?leppem — ZClfo — gebt fte mir ! 

3425 ©ebt fie nur mir; unb laft ifyn fommen* £}a\ 
(Er foil's tr>ol?l bleiben laffen, mir mein IDeib 
|>u nefymen, — (5zbt fte mir; gefd?tr>inb ! — Sie fei 
Hun (£ure t£od?ter, ober fei es nid)t ! 
Sei £t?riftin, ober 3ukin, ober feines ! 

3430 ©leid? Diel ! gleid? vkl 1 3<3? trerb' (£ud? treber je^t 
Tlod) jemals fonft in meinem gansen Uzbzn 
Darum befragen* Sei, true's fei ! 

UatVian. 

3fyr trdfynt 

tDofyl gar, ba% mir bie lDaf?rt?eit 3U r>erbergen 

Sefyr notig? 

^etn$>ell}ert\ 

Sei, trie's fei! 

natfyan. 

3d? t?ab' es ja 



Hainan ber IDetfe. 257 

M3 s<£ud? — ober tr>em es fonft 511 xmffen stemt — 

Hod? nid?t geleugnet, 6af fie eine Cfyrtftin, 

Hub ntdjts als meine Pflegetod?ter tft. — 

JDarum id?'s aber if?r nod? nid?t entbecft? — 

Dariiber braud?' id? nur bei it?r mid? 3U 

3440 (£ntfd?ulbigen. 

€empelfyerr* 

Das follt 3^? r auc fy fot ^ r 
Hid?t braud?em — ©onnt's itjr bod), baf fte (£ud? rite 
ITcit anbern 2tugen barf betracbten ! Spart 
3fy* bie (£ntbed?ung bod?! — Hod? I?abt J^ r i a / 
3fyr gans allein, mit il?r 3U fd?altem (Sebt 
3445 Sie mtr I 3^? &itt' ^ud}, Hainan ; gebt fte mtr ! 
3d? bin's allein, ber fte 3um 3tr>eitenmale 
<£ud? retten fann — unb tmlL 

ttatftan. 

3a — fonnte I fonnte ! 
Hun aud? nid?t met;r. (Es ift bamit 3U fpdt. 

Sempel^err* 

IDie fo? 3U fpdt? 

Danf fei bem Patriardjen ♦ . 

^ 45 oDem patriard?en? Danf? if?m Danf? rooftir? 
Danf tf&ttz ber bei uns tterbienen roollen? 
JDofur? tpofiir? 

Daf roir nun roiffen, tr>em 
Sie ant>ertr>anbt; nun unffen, tDeffen ^anben 
Sie fid?er ausgeliefert toerben fann, 

£empelt)err* 

3455 Das banf if?m — roer fur mefyr it?m banhn roirb ! 



258 ZTat^an ber IDetfe. 

2tus btefen muft 3^ r f* e nun auc *? erfyalten; 
Unb ntcfyt aus metnem 

2Irme 3&td)a ! VOas 

X)tr alles 3uftof t, arme Hcd?a 1 IDas 

(Exit (Sliicf fur anbre IDaifen trdre, ttnrb 

3460 Dein Unglucf! — Ziatfyan ! — Unb tt>o ftnb fie, btefe 

Dertpanbte ? 

Vlatfyan. 

VOo fte ftnb? 

Unb toer fte ftnb? 
Vlatlian. 

Befonbers Ijat etn Bruber ftdj gefunben, 
Bet bem 3^ r urn fte toerben mug t. 

(Em Bruber? 

XDas tft er, btefer Bruber? (Etn Solbat? 

3465 (Etn (Betftltcfyer ? — £a| t fyoren, tt>as id} mtr 

Derfprecfyen barf 

nat^an. 

3*3} glaube, ba% er femes 
Don betben — ober betbes tft. 3^ ^ enn ' 
3fyn nod? ntcfyt recfyt 

Unb fonft? 

Hainan, 

(Etn brat>er ZHann ! 

Bet bem ftcfy %e<i)a gar ntdjt iibel txnrb 
3470 Befmben* 



£Tat fyan bcr t£etfe. 259 

£empelt>en\ 

Dod? ein (Efyrtfi ! — 3^? ^eif 3U3eiten 
2lud? gar nidjt, tt>as id? von (£ud? benfen foil: — 
Hefymt mir's nid?t ungut, Xcatfyaru — IDirb fte nidjt 
Die (Efyriftin fpielen miiffen, unter (Efyriften? 
Unb tr>irb fie, tpas fie lartge g'nug gefpielt, 

3475 Hid)! enblid? tperben? IDirb ben lautern IDei3en, 
Den 3^ r gefd't, bas Unfraut enblid) nid)t 
(£rftic?en? — Unb bas fiimmert €ud? fo roenig? 
Dem imgead?tet fount 3*? r fagcn — 3*? r ? — 
Dag fie bei ifyrem Bruber jtd} nid?t iibel 

3 4 8oBefinben toerbe? 

Hainan. 

Denf id? ! fyoff' id? ! — IDenn 

3fyr ja bei ifym toas mangeln follte, fyat 
5ie (£ud? unb mid? benn nidjt nod? immer? 

©{?! 
Was ttnrb bei ifym ifyr mangeln fonnen ! IDirb 
Das Briiberdjen mit (£ffen unb mit Kleibung, 

3485 ITTit Hafd?tperf unb mit Puij, bas Sdjtrefterdjen 
Hicfyt reicblid? g'nug r>erforgen? Unb was braudjt 
(£in Sd)tr>efterd?en bznn mefyr? — (£i freilid?: aud? 
Hod? einen IHann ! — Hun, nun; audj bzn f and) bzn 
IDirb ifyr bas Bruberdjen 3U feiner ^eit 

3490 Scbon fcfyaffen ; roie er immer nur 3U finben ! 
Der <£f?rifttid?fte ber Befte ! — Hatban, Hatf?an ! 
IDeld? einen (£ngel pallet 3*? r gebilbet, 
Den (£ud? nun anbre fo t>erfyun3en tx>erben! 

Vlatt\an. 

f)at feine Hot ! (Er ttnrb ficb unfrer £iebe 
3495 Hod? immer roert genug befyaupten* 



260 Zl a tl\ an btv H^etfe. 

Sagt 

Das nicbt! Don meirter £iebe fagt bas nicfyt! 

Denn bie la^t nidjts ftdj unterfcfylagen; ntc^ts. 

(£s jet audj nod? fo flein I 2lud? feinen Harnett! — 

Dod) fyalt ! — 2trgu>ofynt fie toofyl bereits, tpas mit 

3500 3^r t>orgefyt? 

Hainan. 

ZIToglid); ob id? fcfyon nidjt tPiifte, 
IDofyer? 

<Sempelt}ert\ 

2tudj eben trie!.; fte foil — fie muf 
3tt beiben fallen, tr»as ifyr Sdjtcffal brofyt, 
Von mir 3uerft erfafyrem ZHein (Bebanfe, 
Sie efyer toieber nidjt 311 fefyn, 5U fpredjen, 
3505 2tls bis id) fie bie ZHeine nennen biirfe, 
^dllt toeg* 3^ e ^ e • • • 

UatVian. 

Bleibt! tropin? 

^u fefyn, ob biefe HTdbdjenfeele XTtanns genug 
IDofyl ift, ben ein3tgen €ntfd)Iuf 311 faffen 
Der ifyrer txmrbig tr>dre! 

natfyan. 

IDeldjen? 

{Zempelijerr, 

Den: 

3510 Had) (£ud) unb ifyrem Bruber treiter nidjt 

<§u fragen — 

ttatVian. 

Unb? 

£empeil}ert\ 

Unb mir ju folgen; — toenn 



Hcttfyan ber XPeife. 261 

Ste briiber etnes ZRufelmannes ^rau 
2tucfy tr>erben miifte. 

Hainan* 

Bietbt ! 3f?r trefft fie ntdjt 

Ste ift bet Stttafy, bet bes Sultans Scfytpefter, 

€empelt}err* 

3515 Sett tpann? uxtrum? 

Haitian. 

Unb trollt 3^ r & a fot ifynen 
^ucjletcfy ben Bruber ftnben : fommt nur mit. 

£etn$>etfiert\ 

Den Bruber? roeldjen? Stttafys ober Hecfyas? 

Cetcfyt betbe. Kommt nur mit! 3 d ? bttt' (£udj, fommt! 
(€r fiiljrt tfnt fort.) 



Sed?fter 2luftrttt 

(Scene: in Stttafys parent). 

Stttafy unb 'Red} a in Itnterfyaltung begriffen. 

Sittal}, 

VOas freu' id? mid? ntdjt betner, fiif es ZTTdbcfyen ! — 
3520 Set fo beflemmt nur nicfyt! fo angft ! fo fcfyiicfytern I — 
Set munterl fet gefprddjtger ! t>ertrauterl 

Prtn3efftn, . ♦ ♦ 

Sxtta% 

Iciest bod} I ntdjt Prtnsefftn ! Viznn' 
VTixif Stttafy, — beine ^reunbtn, — betne Sd?tr>efter* 
Henn' mid? betn lHuttercfyen ! — 3^? fonnte bas 



262 tTatfyan ber IDetfe. 

^525 3 a fd?ier and} fein* — So jung ! fo flug! fo fromm ! 
VOas bu uidjt alles toeiftl ntcfyt alles muft 
(Belefeu l?aben! 

3d} gelefeu? — Sittafy, 
Du fpotteft beiuer fleiueu alberu Scfytpefter. 
3d) fauu faum lefen, 

Kauuft faum, £uguertu ! 

3530 €tn tDeuig meiues Paters f^anb! — 3d? meinte, 
Du fprddjft r>on Bucfteru* 

2lllerbiugs ! von Biidjern* 

Hun, Bucfyer toirb mir roaI>rltcf) fdjioer 3U lefen ! — 

3m (grttft? 

Hedja* 

3tt gansem <£ruft ZTfeiu Pater liebt 
Die fatte Budjgelefyrfamfeit, bie ftcf? 
3535 2Tltt toteu ^eidjen ins (Befyiru nur briicft, 
<3u roeuig- 

(£i, roas fagft bu ! — f}at tubes 
IDofyl utdjt fefyr uured)t! — Hub fo maudjes, tras 
Du treif t . .? 

ZDeif id} alleiu aus feiuem UTuube* 
Uub fouute bei bem meifteu bir uod} fageu, 
3540 IDie? voo? roarum? er micb's gelefyrt. 



Hat ban bcr EDetfe. 263 

5itta% 

So fycingt 
Sid) fretltcf? alles beffer an. So lernt 
ITcit eins bie gan$e Seek* 

Kedja* 

Sidjer fyat 
2lud? StttaE} toenig ober nicijts gelefenl 

Sitta^ 

IDie fo? — 3^? bin nidjt ftol3 aufs (BegenteiL — 
3545 2tllein tr>ie fo ? Dein (Brunb I Spridj breift Dein (Brunb ? 

Kedja* 

Ste ift fo fcblecfct unb recbt; fo unr»erf unftelt ; 
So gan3 fid) felbft nur dbnlicfy . ♦ ♦ 

Hun? 

Das follen 
Die Biicber uns nur felten laffen : fagt 
ZTcein Pater. 

<D was ift bein Dater fur 

3550 (£in ITtann ! 

Kedja* 

Xixdft tr>afyr? 

IDie nafy er immer bod) 
<5um (giele trifft! 

ntdia. 

Xlxd)t trafyr? — Unb biefen Dater — 
VDas ift btr, £tebe? 



264 XI at l\ an ber IDetfe. 

Diefen Pater — 
Du toeinft? 



<0ott! 



Unb biefen Pater — 211? ! es muf 
{}eraus ! Klein £?er3 txnll £uft, roill £uft . ♦ . 

(VO tr ft fid?, von dfyraneu iibertoalttgt, 3U tfyren (Jiigen). 

T&xnb, was 
3555 (8efd?iet?t btr? Ked?a? 

Diefen Pater foil — 
Soli id? rerlieren ! 

Du? r>erlieren? il?n? 
H)ie bas? — Sei rut?ig! — Xcimmermefyr ! — Stef? auf ! 

Du follft Dergebens bid? 5U meiner ^reunbin, 
<5u meiner Sd?tr>efter nid?t erboten f?aben! 

3560 3d? bin's ja! bin's I — Stef? bod) nur auf! 3<3? mu # 
Sonft £?ilfe rufen* 

Hedja (bte fid? ermamtt unb auffte^t). 

2tfy! r>er3eil?! t>ergieb! — 
ZTTein Sd?mer3 I?at mid) rergeffen mad?en, tr>er 
Du bift Dor Sittaf? gilt fein tDinfetn, fein 
Persroeifeln^ Kalte, rutjige Pernunft 
3565 XDtll alles liber fie allein t>ermogem 
IDes Sad?e biefe bei ifyr fiifyrt, ber fiegt! 



Hattian bcr tDetfc. 265 

Hun benn? 

Hem; meirte ^reunbin, meine Sdjtpefter 
<£>iebt bas nid?t 3U ! (giebt trimmer ju, 6af mir 
(Etn anbrer Pater aufgebruttgett tperbe I 

3570 (£in anbrer Pater? aufgebrungen ? bir? 

IDer farm bas? fann bas and) nur toollen, £iebe? 

IDer? Ztteine gute bofe Daja fawn 
Das tpollen, — rotll bas fonnen* — 3 a 5 & u fennft 
IDofyl biefe gute bofe Daja nicfyt? 
3575 Hun, <£>ott t>ergeb' es ifyr! — belofyn' es ifyr! 
Sie f?at mir fo siel (Butes, — fo t)iel Bofes 
(£rtt>iefen ! 

Bofes btr? — So muf fie (Sutes 
Dodj tr>afyrlid? toenig I?aben» 

Xcdia. 

Qo&j I redjt rtet, 
Hedjt riel! 

JDer ift fie? 

Kedja, 

(£ine Cfyriftin, bte 
3580 3n meiner Kinbfyeit mid; gepflegt; midj fo 

(Bepflegt! — Du glaubft nidjt! — Die mir eine ZTTuttet 
So toenig miffen laffen ! — (£>ott Dergelt' 
<£s ifyr ! — Die aber mid; aucfy fo gedngftet! 
ZTEtd? fo gequdlt I 



266 Hatfyctn ber ttfetfe. 

Unb uber was ? tr>arum ? 

3585 IDte? 

2ld? ! Me arme ^rau, — id? fag' bit's ja — 
3ft eine (£f?riftin; — muf aus £iebe qudlen; — 
3ft eine von ben Sd?tr>drmerinnen, bie 
Den allgemeinen, einsig toafyren IDeg 
Had? <2>ott, 5U txnffen tr>df?nen ! 

Hun t>erftef?' id?! 
Hedja* 

3590 Unb fid? gebrungen fiif?Ien, einen jeben, 

Der biefes ZDegs t>erfef?lt, barauf 3U lenfem — 
Kaum fonmn fie aud? anbers, Denn ift's tt>at?r, 
Daf biefer IDeg allein nur rid?tig fut?rt: 
ZDie follen fte gelaffen ifyre ^reunbe 

5595 2tuf einem anbzvn voanbdn fefyn, — ber ins 
Derberben ftiirst, ins etoige Perberben? 
(£s miif te moglid? fein, benfelben ZHenfd?en ' 
<5ur felben <5eit 3U lieben unb 3U baffen* — 
2tud? tft's bas nid?t, toas enblid? laute "Klagen 

3600 2T£id? fiber fie 3U fiiB?ren 3tr>ingt 3*? r 5euf3en, 
31?^ IDarnen, tf?r (Bebet, if?r Drof?en f?dtf 
^d} gem nod? Idnger ausget?alten ; gern ! 
<£s brad?te mid? bod} immer auf (Sebanfen, 
Die gut unb nui^lid?* Unb tt>em fd?meid?elt's bod} 

3605 3 m ©rtinbe nid?t, ftd? gar fo roert unb teuer, 
Von toem's aud? fei, gefyalten fiifylen, ba% 
(£r ben (Sebanfen nid?t ertragen farm, 
(£r muff einmal auf etr>ig uns entbefyren ! 

SittaVi. 

Sebr tr>ai?r! 



Hattycm ber IPetfe. 267 

Hedja* 

Hllein — allein — bas gefyt 3U tr>eit! 
3610 Dem fann id? mdjts entgegenfeijen ; nidjt 
©ebulb, nidjt Uberlegung ; nidjts ! 

Sittafc, 

H)as? roem? 

Was fie mtr eben jefet entbecft rotll fyaben- 

Sttta^ 

<£ntbecft? unb eben je^t? 

Hedja* 

Xcur tbzn jei§t! 
H?ir na^ten, auf bem IDeg fyierfyer, uns cinem 

3615 Derfallnen (EfyriftentempeL pioijlid? ftanb 

Ste ftill; fd?ien mit fid? felbft 3U fdmpfen; bltcfte 
2T£it naffen itugen balb gen f^immel, balb 
2tuf mid?, Komm, fprad? fie enblid?, lag uns fyter 
Durd? biefen Cempel in bie Xid?te gef?n! 

3620 Sie get?t; id? folg' tf?r, unb mein 2tuge fd?tr>exft 
UTit (Sraus bie roanfenben Hutnen burd?, 
Hun ftet?t fie trneber; unb id? fet?e mid? 
2tn ben rerfunfnen Stufen eines morfcben 
Tlltavs mit it?r. VOk voavb mir? als fie ba 

3625 2TCit f?ei§en Cbrdnen, mit gerungnen ^dnben. 
<§u meinen ^ufen filiate . • • 

(Butes KxnM 

Unb bet ber ©ottlidjen, bie ba u>ot?l fonft 
So mand? (Bebet erbort, fo maneges IDunber 
Perrid?tet fyabc, mid? befd?tc>or; — mit Blicfen 



268 ttat^an ber ttfetfe. 

3630 Des toafyren ZTTttleibs mid} befdnror, mid? meiner 
Vod) 5U erbarmen ! — XDenigftens, ifyr 3U 
Dergeben, toenn fie mir entbecfen miiffe, 
Was ifyre Kird}' auf mid} fur 2tnfprud} t?abe» 

(Ungliicflidje ! — (Es afynte mir!) 

3* fet 
3635 2tus djriftlidjem ©eblute; fei getauft; 

Sei Hatfyans t£od}ter ntdjt; er nid}t mein Pater! — 
(Sottl ©ottl (Er nid}t mein Pater ! — Sittaf} ! Sittat}! 
Siefy mid} aufs neu' 3U beinen ^ufen • . . 

Hedja! 
Xcid}t bod}! ftel} auf! — IHein Bruber fommt! ftel} auf! 



Siebenter 2tuftritt* 
Sa lab in unb bte Porigen. 
Salabiru 
3640 JDas gtebt's f}ier, Sittaf} ? 

Sie ift Don fid}! (Bott! 

Salabin, 

IDerifts? 

Du u>etf t ja ♦ . • 

Salabxn. 

Unfers Hatfyans Cod)ter? 
IDas fet}lt if?r? 



Hatfyan ber JDetfe. 269 

Sttia^ 

Komm bod? 3U tor, Kinb ! — Der Sultan . . . 

(bte fid? auf ben Knten 511 Salabtns ^iigen fdpleppt,- ben Kopf 
3ur <£rbe gefenft). 

3d? ftefy' nidjt auf! nicfyt efyer auf! — mag efyer 
Des Sultans Ztntlife nidjt erblicfen ! — efyer 
3645 Den 2tbglan5 etoiger ©erecfytigfeit 
Unb ©iite nid)t in feinen 2lugen, nidjt 
Jtuf feiner Stirn betpunbern ♦ ♦ . 

Salabin. 

Stefy ♦ . , ftetj auf i 

<£tf er mir ntdjt rerfpridjt . . . 

Salabin* 

Komm I id} rerfpredje . . . 
Sei was es roilll 

Ktdia. 

Xcidjt mefyr, nidjt tr>eniger, 
3650 211s meinen Dater mir 5U laffen ; unb 

TTixd) ifym ! — Tiod) toetf id) nidjt, toer fonft mein Datet 
§u fein rerlangt; — rerlangen fann, IDilfs audj 
£cid?t toiffen* 2lber madjt benn nur bas Blut 
Qtn Pater? nur bas Blut? 

Salabin (ber fie aufbebt). 

3d) merfe tr>ofyl! — 
3655 tDer roar fo graufam benn, bir felbft — bir felbft 
Dergleidjen in ben Kopf ju fe^en? 3ft 
(Es benn fcfyon rollig ausgemadjt? erroiefen? 

Kecija, 

tltuf rootjl ! Denn Daja toil! pen meiner 2lmm' 
<£s Ijabtn. 



270 Hatty an ber EDetfe. 

Saiabin. 

Deiner 2tmme ! 

Die es fterbenb 
3660 3^? r 3^ t>ertrauen fid} t>erbunben fufylte* 

Salabin, 

©ar fterbenb! — Hid?t and? fafelnb fd?on? — Unb roar's 
2tud? voafyvl — 3 a tx>ofyl : bas Blut, bas Blut alleitt 
XTtadjt lange nod? bzn Pater nid?t ! mad?t faum 
Den Pater eines tEieres ! giebt 311m t?od?ften 
3665 Das erfte Hedjt, fid? biefen Hamen 3U 

<£rtr>erben ! — £af bir bod} nid?t bange fein ! — 
Unb tr»eif t bu tr>as ? Sobalb ber Pater 3tpei 
Sid? urn bid? ftreiten : — laf fie beibe ; nimm 
Den britten 1 — Xcimm bann mid? 3U beinem Pater ! 

3670© ti?u's! tf?u'sl 

Salabtn* 

3d? mill ein guter Pater, 
Ked?t guter Pater fein ! — Dod? f?alt ! mir fallt 
Hod? r>iel tr»as Beffers bet. — VOas braud?ft bu bznn 
Der Pater ubert?aupt? JDenn fie nun fterben? 
Bei3eiten fid? nad} einem umgefefyn, 
3675 Der mit uns urn bie IPette leben roill ! 
Kennft bu nod? f einen ? . . . 

Stttaij, 

VTiad} fie nid?t erroten! 
Salabxn. 

Das t?ab' id? allerbings mir rorgefeijt. 
(£rroten mad?t bie £)df lid?en fo fd?on : 
Unb follte Sd?6ne nid?t nod? fd?oner mad?en? — 



Hainan ber IDetfe. 271 

3680 3d? t?abe beinen Pater Italian ; unb 
Xiod) cinen — einen nod? f?ierl?er beftellt 
(£rrdtft bu il?n? — £?iert?er ! Du tturft mir boi? 
(£rlauben, Sittal?? 

Bruber ! 

Salabtn, 

Dag bu ja 
Per if?m red?t fef?r erroteft, liebes 2Tldbd?en ! 

3685 Dor tt>em ? erroten ? ♦ ♦ ♦ ♦ 

Salabin* 

Kteine £}eud?lerin ! 
Hun fo erblaffe lieber ! — ZDie bu toillft 
Unb fannft ! — 

((Sine Sflar>in trttt herein, unb nabet fid? Sittat^.) 

Sie ftnb bod) etroa nid?t febon ba ? 

(But! lag fte nur therein. — Sie fmb es, Bruber! 



Center Jtuftritt. 

TXatfyan unb ber (Eempelberr 3U ben Dortgert. 

Salabin. 

Til), meine guten lieben ^reunbe ! — Did?, 
3690 Dtd? ; liatljait, muf id? nur r>or alien Dingen 
Bebeuten, ba% bu nun, fobalb bu rotllft, 
Detn (Belb fannft roieber f?olen laffen ! ♦ ♦ ♦ 

Hainan, 



Sultan ! 



272 ZTatfyan bcr IDetfe. 

Salabin. 

Ziun ftetj' id} audj 3U beinen Dienften 

Viatban. 
Salabin* 



Sultan ! . 



Die Karairan' ift ba. 3°*? bin fo reicfj 

3695 Hun trieber, als id? lange nicfyt getoefen. — 

Komm, fag' mtr, was b\x braucfyft, fo recfyt toas (5rofes 

<^u unternefymen ! Denn and} ifyr, aucij tl?r, 

3fyr £)anbelsleute, fount bes baren (Selbes 

Muriel nie fyabtn I 

Xiatkan. 

Vinb toarum 3uerft 
3700 Pon biefer Kleinigfeit? — 3^? f e ^ e k° r * 
(£in 2tug' in Cfyrdnen, bas 3U trocfnen, mir 
XDeit angelegner ift ((8et|t cmf Hed?a jn.) Du fyaft geroeint? 
IDas f el?lt bir? — bift bod} meine Codjter nocfy? 

VTuixx Pater ! , , 

Haitian. 

VOix Eerftefjen uns. (Senug ! — 
3705 Sei fyeiter ! Sei gefaf t ! IDenn fonft bein £)er3 
Hur bein nod) ift ! IDenn beinem £)er^en fonft 
Hur fein Derluft nicfjt brofyt! — Dein Pater ift 
Dir unt>erloren ! 

Keiner, feiner fonft ! 

Sempetf}ert% 

Sonft feiner? — Hun! fo b L aV icb micb betrogem 
3710 IDas man nicfyt 3U Derlieren fiird?tet, tfat 
ITian 3U beftijen nie geglaubt, unb nie 
<£>etr>unfcfyt — Xecfyt voofy ! red)t xvofyl ! — Das dnbert, 

Hatfyan, 



Hatfyan ber IDetfe. 273 

Das dnbert alles ! — Salabin, ttnr famen 
2tuf bein <£>et?eif* 2tllein, id? f?atte bid? 
3715 Derleitet : je£t bemufy' bid} rtur nid?t treiter I 

SataMn* 

IDie gad? nun tt>ieber, junker IHann ! — Soil alles 
Dir benn entgegen fommen ? alles bid? 
(£rraten ? 

Hun bu t?orft ja ! fiefyft ja, Sultan I 

Salabin* 

€t tr>at?rlid? ! — Sd?limm genug, baf beiner Sad?e 
3720 Z)u nidjt geroiffer toarft ! 

€entj>el^err* 

So bin id?'s nun* 

Salabin. 

IDer fo auf irgenb eine ZDofyltfyat troi^t, 
Xximmt fie 3urucf. VOas bu gerettet, ift 
Destr>egen nid?t bein (£igentum. Sonft tear' 
Der Kduber, ben fein ©eis ins ^euer jagt, 

3725 So gut ein £}elb, roie bu ! 

(2Juf Hecfya 3ugef}enb, urn fie bem Cempelfyerrn 3U3ufiif]ren.) 

Komm, liebes 2TEdbd?en, 
Komm ! Himm's mit il?m nid?t fo genau* Dmn voav 
(£r anbers ; roar' er minber toarm unb ftol3 : 
(£r t?dtf es bleiben laffen, bid? 3U retten. 
Du muf t if?m eins furs anbre red?nen. — Komm ! 

3730 £efd?dm' if?n ! if?u', tpas it?m 3U tf?un ge3iemte ! 
Befenn' il?m beine £iebe ! trage bid? if?m an ! 
Unb roenn er bid? rerfd?mdf?t ; bir's je rergift, 
IDie ungleid? mef?r in biefem Sd?ritte bu 
^iir if?n getf?an, als er fur bid? . . . IDas i?at 

3735 <£r benn fur bid? getl?an? £in tr>enig fid? 



274 Hatfjan ber tPeife. 

Berducfyern laffen ! ift was Hecfyt's ! — fo fyat 
(£r meines Brubers, meines 2tffab, nid)ts! 
So tragt er feine £art>e, nidjt fein £}er3* 
Komm, £iebe . ♦ ♦ 

Siita^ 

©el?! gefy, £iebe, gel?! (£s ift 
3740 <£ur beine Danfbarfeit nod? immer tpenig; 
Hod} immer nidjts, 

Hainan* 

£?alt Satabin ! tjalt Sittal? ! 

Salabin. 

2lud} bu? 

Hainan* 

f}ier fjat nod? einer mit 3U fpredjen . ♦ . 

SalaMn* 

IDer leugnet bas? — Unftreitig, Hatfyan, fommt 
So einem Pfleget>ater eine Stimme 
3745 VTixt 3U ! Die erfte, toenn bu tpillft — Du tjorft, 
3d? tpeif ber Sad}z gan3e Cage. 

Hainan. 

Hidjt fo gan3 ! — 

3d? rebe nicfyt tton mir. <£s ift ein anbrer; 
IDeit, tpett ein anbrer, ben id}, Salabin, 
Dod} audj porter 511 fyoren bitte* 



Salabin. 

Hainan. 

3750 3fy r Bruber! 

Salabxn. 

£ed?as Bruber? 
Hainan. 



IDer? 



3a! 



ttatban bcr IDetfe. 275 

Kecba. 

2T£ein Bruber? 
So l)ab y id) etnen Bruber? 

^empelberr. 

(2lus fetner nrilben, ftummen gerftreuung auffabrenb). 

IDo? too ift 
<£r, biefer Bruber? Hod? nidjt f?ier? jd? foUf 
3fyn fyter ja treffen. 

natban. 

Hur ©ebulb! 

Sempelberr (angerfi bitter). 

£r f?at 
3fyr etnen Dater aufgebunben : — tr>irb 
3755 €r f etnen Bruber fur fte ftnben ? 

Salabtn. 

Das 

£}at nod? gefefylt ! (Efjrift ! ein fo niebriger 
Perbad^t trdr' iiber 2tffabs £ippen ni&t 
©efommen. — <Sut! fabr nur fo fort! 

Viatban. 

Deceit? 
3t?m ! — 3^ t^ersetl)' tfym gem, — Wet roetf, tras ttnr 
3760 Tin fetner StelT, in feinem 2tlter bdditcn ! 
QJrcunbfcbaftltd? auf tbn 5ugcbenb.) 
Hattirlid?, Kilter ! — 2lrgtrobn folgt Httf trau'n ! — 
IDenn 3^ r m ^ €ucrs trafyren Hamens gleicfy 
(SetDiirbigt fydttet . . . 

Sem$>elf>err. 
IPte? 

Hatban. 

3&* feib fein Stauffen ! 



276 £1 at lj art ber tPeife. 

{Zempelfyerr* 

IDer bin tcf? benn? 

Hainan* 

fjeift Kurt r>on Stauffen nidjt! 

3765 IDie fyeif id? benn? 

^eift £eu t>on ^ilnef. 

tZempelljerr* 

IDie? 
Uattyan. 
3¥ ftufct? 

ZITtt Xec^tl IDer fagt bas? 

Hainan. 

3^; ber mefyr, 
Tiod) metjr <£ucfy fagen fann. 3^? f ra f inbes 
(£udj fetner £iige* 

£empelfyert\ 

Xcic^t? 

Hainan* 

Kann bodj tpofyl fein, 
Daf jener Ham' €udj ebenfalls gebiifyrt* 

3770 Das follf id) meinen I — (Das fytef (Bott ifyn fpredjen !) 

Hainan. 

Denn (£ure IHutter — Me rear eine Staufftn. 
3fyr Bruber, (£uer (Dfym, ber (£ud? er3ogen, 
Dem €ure (£ltem (£ud? in Deutfdjlanb liefen, 
2Ils, t>on bent raufyen £)immel bort rertrieben, 
3775 Ste roieber t?ter 311 £anbe famen: — ber 



Vlattyan ber IDctfe. 277 

f^ief Kurt von Stauffen; mag an Kiubesftatt 
£HeUeid?t (£ud? angenommen fyaben ! — Seib 
3fyr lange fdjon mtt tfym nun aud? fyeriiber 
(Befommen? Unb er lebt bod? nod)? 

IPas foH 

37 8o 3d? fagen ? — Tiatfyan ! — 2tllerbtngs ! So ift's I 

<Er felbft ift tot 3^ ? am e r ft nttt ber le^ten 

Derftdrfung unfers (Drbens. — 2lber, aber — 

Was if at mtt biefem alien &td)as Bruber 

<gu fd?affen? 

Hainan. 

(Euer Pater . . . 

tZempei^err* 

IDte? aud? ben 
3785 f}abt 3^ r gefannt? 2tud? ben? 

Viatlian. 

(Er tt>ar metn ^reunb. 

^empel^err* 
IDar (Euer ^reunb? 3ft' s mogltd?, Hainan! • ♦ * 

Hainan. 

Hannte 
Stdj IDolf t>on ^tlnef ; aber ir>ar fein Deutfdjer . . . 

3fyr txnft aud? bas? 

Hainan. 

IDar etner Z)eutfd?en nur 
Dermdfylt; roar (Surer ZTtutter nur nad? X)eutfd?lanb 
37qo 2tuf f ur$e <3ett gefolgt ♦ ♦ ♦ 

€empeU}err* 

Htd?t mebr! 3d? bttt' 
<£ud? I — 2lber £ed?as Bruber? Utd)as Bruber . . . 



(£>efd}tt>ifter ! 



278 ttatfyan ber tt)etfe. 

VLatlian. 

Seib 3*?r! 

£empelt}ert\ 

3d?? id} ifyr Bruber? 

<£r mein Bruber? 

Salabin* 

Sie ©efdjtDtfter ! 

&tdi<x (null auf tfyn 3U). 

2lfy! mein Bruber! 

Sempel^err (trttt 3uriicF). 
3fyr Bruber! 

Hed^a (bait art, unb tpenbet fid? 311 Hatfyan). 

Kann nidjt fein ! ntdjt fein ! — Sein f}er3 
3795 XDeif nicfyts bason! — XDir finb Betriiger! (Sottl 

SalaMn (311m Cempelfyerrn). 

Betriiger? — trie? Das benfft bu? fannft bu benfen? 
Betriiger felbft! Denn alles ift erlogen 
Tin bir: ©eficfyt unb Stimm' unb (Bang! Xlxdjts bein! 
So eine Sd)tr>efter nidjt erfennen tpolleu! <5efy! 

^empelfjerr (fid? bemiittg tfym natitnb). 

3800 IHif beut' audj bu nicfyt mein (£rftaunen, Sultan! 
Derfenn' in einem 2tugenblicf, in bem 
Du fcfyroerlid? beinen 2tffab je gefefyen, 
Hidjt ifyn unb mid? ! 

(2Iuf Zlaifyan 3ueilenb). 
3fyr nefymt unb gebt mir, ZTatfyan! 
XTixt Dollen ^dnben beibes! — Hein! 3^ r Q&t 



Hatty an der IDcifc. 279 

3805 ItTir mefyr, als jl?r mir ncfymt ! unenblid) mefyr ! 
(Kecfya urn ben Bals faftenb). 
211? meinc Sdjtrefter! meine Sd?tr>efter ! 

Ziatb^an. 

Blanba 
Von ^ilnef! 

Sempelberr* 

Blanba? Blanba? — Hecfja nid?t? 
Zcid?t (£ure Hed?a mef?r? — (gottl 3fyr perfioft 
Sie! gebt t£?r tfyren (£f?riftennamen tr>ieber! 
3810 Derftof t fte meinetioegen ! — Hatban ! Hainan ! 
IDarum es fte entgelten laffen ? fie ! 

VLatban. 

Unb toas? — (D meine Kinber ! meine Kinber! — 
Denn meiner Cocfrter Bruber roar' mein Kinb 
Xixdft aucb, — fobalb er wxUV 

(3nbem er fid? ityren llmarmungen iiberld^t, tritt Salabin mit 
unrutyigem (Erftauncn 3U feiner Sd)tr>cftcr). 

Salabin. 

Was fagft bu, Sd?tDefter? 

Sittafy. 

3 8i 5 3cf? bin geriifyrt ..« ♦ 

Unb icb, — id) febaubere 
Por einer grofern 2?iibrung faft 3uriicf! 
Bereite bid? nur brauf, fo gut bu fannft 

Sittafy. 

H)ie? 

Salabin. 

Hatban, auf ein IDort! ein IDort! — 

Ottbem Hatban 3U ttym tritt, tritt Sittaty 3U ben (Scfcbtruftcrn, 

ttynen ityre dcilnabmc 3U bc3cia.cn ; nnb Hatban unb falabin 

fprcctyen leifcrj. 



280 Xlati\an ber IDetfe. 

£)or'! bor' bod?, Hainan! Sagteft bu t>orfyin 

3820 tlidjt — ? 

Xiatl\an. 
Was? 

SalaMn* 

2lus Deutfcfylanb fei ifyr Pater nidjt 
(Betoefen ; ein geborner Deutfdjer nicfyi 
VDas wax er benn ? IDo roar er fortft benn fyer? 

VLatV[<xn. 

Das fyat er felbft mir nie r>ertrauen tDollem 
Tins feinem ZUunbe tt>eif id} nicfyts bat>on* 

Salabtn* 

3825 Unb roar and) fonft f ein ^ranf ' ? f ein Ztbenblanber ? 

Hainan, 

(D ! baf er ber md)t fet, geftanb er toofyL — 
(£r fpracfy am liebften Perftfdj ♦ . ♦ 

Salabin* 

perftfd?? perfifd?? 

XDas toill id? mefyr? — (Er ift's! (£r roar es I 

Hainan. 

H)er? 
Salabin, 

UTeirt Bruber! gans getxnf ! XUein 2tffab! gan3 

3830 <0etr>if ! 

VLatlian. 

Hun, roenn bu felbft barauf r>erfdllft : — 
Icimm bie Derficfyrung fyier in biefem Bucbe! 
Ofym bas Bremer iiberretcfyenb.) 

Salabin (es begtertg auffcfylagenb). 

2If? I feine I}anb! 2tucfy bie erfenn' id? tt)ieberl 



Hainan ber IDetfe. 



Viatl\an. 



281 



Hod? tpiffen fte Don uid?ts ! XXod} (test's bet bir 
itlleiu, rcas fie basou erfatjren follert ! 

SalaMn (tubes er bavin geblattert.) 

38353^? memes Brubers Kiuber uid?t erfertnen? 
3d? meiue Heffen — meine Kiuber uid?t? 
Sie uid?t erf euueu? id?? Sic btr to obi laffen? 

(IXHeber iaut.) 
Sie (tub's ! fte ftnb es, Sittaf?, fiub's ! Sie fiub's 1 
Sinb beibe meittes . • ♦ beines Brubers Kiuber I 

((£r rennt in ifyre Umarmungen.) 

Stttatj (tbm folgenb). 
3840 JDas t?or* id?! — Kouut's aud? aubers, aubers feiu ! — 

Salabin (311m Cempelberrn.) 

Huu muft bu bod? toofyl, Crot§f opf, muf t mid} liebeu ! 

(gu Hed?a.) 
Ituu biu id} bod), ID03U id} mid) erbot? 
2T£agft roolleu, ober nidjt! 

3d? and} ! id) andfl 

SalaMn (311m Cempelberrn 3uriicf). 
ZHeiu Sof?u ! meiu 2lffab ! meiues 2tffabs Sofyu ! 

^etnpelberr. 

3845 3d? beiues Bluts ! — So roareu jeue Crdume, 
IDomit man meiue Kiubf?eit ttuegte, bod) — 
Dod? mefyr als Crdume ! Qtjm 3U ^iigen faaenb). 



282 tfatfyan bcr IDctfc. 

£alaMn (t^n auffyebenb). 

Sefyt ben Boferoidjt! 
€r tr>ufte tr>as bat>on, unb fonnte mid) 
<^u feinem lllorber macben roollen ! JDart ! 

(Unter ftummer UHeberfyolung alifeittger Umarmungen fallt ber 

Dorfjang). 



IM OTES 



L.M. — The edition of Lessing's works by Lachmann, newly revised by 
Muncker. 

M.H.G. = Middle High German.— N.H.G. = New or Modern High German. 



Title. — In the story of Boccaccio from which the Ring Parable is 
taken the Jew's name is Melchisedec. Lessing may have changed the 
name to Nathan for several reasons. It is better adapted to the verse. 
Besides, in the ninety-third Novel of the Decameron, Boccaccio treats 
of a rich and very liberal Jew whose name is Nathan; but more than 
that, Nathan is to be to the opposing theologians what the prophet 
Nathan (2. Sam. xn, 1 fif.) was to David, a relentless monitor of their 
wrongs. 

The Motto was interpolated into the Nodes Atticae of Aulus Gel- 
lius by Phil. Beroaldus (Bologna, 1503). It is a translation of the 
words dvai yap Kai tvravSa Beovg, put by Aristotle (De Partibus Ani- 
malium 1, 5) into the mouth of Heraclitus when some friends, come 
to visit him, hesitated to enter a stable where he was warming him- 
self (Buchheim). 

I. beefy enMicfy einmal* bod? and etnmal give additional 

emphasis to the impatience which Daja expresses in enbltcfy. 

3. XJaJa* In the prose version her name is Dinah. On the back 
of the title page Lessing had written: "N. B. instead of Dinah rather 
Daja. I see from the Excerptis ex Abulfeda, concerning the life of 
Saladin, Daja means Nutrix, nurse." 

7. feitdb = Clbfetts, off the direct road. Digressions were neces- 
sary possibly on account of the disturbed condition of the country, the 
time of action being during the third Crusade, about 1192-93. Baby- 
lon had, however, even at that time, lost all its commercial impor- 
tance. Trade with India was carried on rather by way of Bagdad on 
the Tigris River (cp. v. 43, and 734-735). The distance from Jerusa- 
lem to Babylon is about one hundred and forty German miles or nearly 
seven hundred English. In the prose version Lessing wrote (jute fylin= 

bert IKetlen. 

II. VOU bCV fyanb fdjla^ett = to make short work of. Cp. 
„€s gefyt tfym letdpt VOXl bcr £?attb" = he is apt in doing anything. 

12. Clcnb, elenfc* In the first draft, which was written in 
prose, except in a few places, we have: ,,Wk ungliic£lid? fydttet 3^ r 

283 



284 NATHAN DER WEISE [ 16 

tnbe§ fyter tperben fottrten." The change was made for the sake of 
the meter; similar cases are very numerous in our play. 

16. Icidlt. We should expect faft or betnabc. The first draft 
has: ,,Das gatt3e i^aus fydtte abbremten fonnen." Possibly Lessing 
means to convey precisely this idea here, equivalent to fydtte letcfyt 
con (Srunb cms abbrennen fonnen; — von (Srunb cms = to the 
ground; note the difference ; also Germ, bis auf QtXi 23oben. 

18. S&IOW XV&fyV = Thafs true enough ! Concessive. 

24. The prose version has : „Sage es nur rollenbs fyeraus, — 
(age es Ttur fyerailS." The omission of the es is quite unusual; the 
reason for it here is evidently the meter; a contraction to fag's would, 
however, not have been impossible. 

27. Daja is usually supposed to imply that she would have perished 
in the attempt to rescue Recha, or that she would not have ventured 
to inform Nathan of the calamity; the latter with more justice, 
because we do not learn that Daja in person made any attempt to 
rescue Recha. 

29. It seems a little forced for Daja to single out the possessive, 
unless Nathan laid stress on the metne; and he had a good reason to 
do so. Recha's narrow escape from the fire reminded him of the 
death of his sons, the price at which she became his. Cp. 11. 3037- 
3066. That Lessing meant to have the possessive metne stressed is 
pretty clearly shown from the fact that in a sketch, partly prose, 
partly verse, found among his writings, the word is capitalized. (D 
nietne Hacfyel ! just as Lessing regularly capitalizes the 'numeral (Htn 
for emphasis; see Lachmann-Muncker Edition, vol. 3, p. 494. 

32. Vtct Hcd^tC is a little unexpected. Usually either both 
forms are without inflectional ending, mtt cbcn fo tnel Hecfyt, or both 
are inflected, mtt zbzxi fo tnelem Hecr/te. 

35-36. Cp. 11. 3037-3066. For banfen we have now more com- 
monly ferbanfen in this meaning. Lessing wrote banfen also in the 
prose version. 

38. Kindness, if not shown for its own sake, is no kindness. 
Nathan is so kind to Daja, partly at least, because he desires to quiet 
her conscience about conniving in keeping secret the mystery of 
Recha's personality. This is at least Daja's view. We should rather 
ascribe Nathan's action to pure generosity. If a few lines farther on 
he tells Daja to keep the secret, he does this fully assured of his bet- 
ter insight and his pure motives ; and there was no better way of ap- 
peasing Daja than by practical deeds of kindness, for which she had 
more understanding than for subtle theories. 



gi] NOTES 285 

42. Babylon had once been famous for its manufacture of silk and 
woolen stuffs. Damascus has still a fair reputation among jewelers. 

44. UXlb Itlit (Befdjmac? fO reicfy = rich, and yet rot gaudy, 
not violating good taste. 

54. With 3tt)etfeirt the negative particle is commonly omitted now. 
Its origin is probably to be found in the Latin and Romance usage in 
similar clauses; cp. Latin non dubito quin. 

56. (Belt, really a pres^ subj. of geltett, is no longer felt as 
such; in early Modern High German it began to be used as a mere 
particle equivalent to Tticfyt tDCtfyr ; its use is confined to questions ex- 
pecting an affirmative answer. 

57. What she meant to say, we can infer from 11. 2318-21. We 
have no reason to suppose that Daja was dishonest in her solicitude 
about Recha's condition, and if she had been able to analyze her ap- 
prehensions, she would probably have found that Nathan's „Docfy bin 
\<3q XViXX etn 3 u ^ e " accurately expressed them. 

61. Homm iibet &udl reminds of Matt, xxvii, 25. 

64. Daja's question is probably intended to convey the same idea, 
which she expresses in the prose sketch in these words : „Sie WCl% 
es, ba$ 3fyr ba feib, unb u>et§ es tneUetcbt cmd? nid?t." 

74. felfcft, adverb, = fogctr, i. e. ntcfyt nur bas Hafyett ber Ka= 
mele, fonbent felbft feme Stimme fyore id?. 

75. 1$V<XCfy ftcfy, more commonly not reflexive = to stare aim- 
lessly, used especially of dying persons. — I^cmpt is the antecedent of 
feines, 1. 76. 

84. With plural forms tpenig is more commonly inflected. 

87-89. As a matter of history, Saladin not infrequently pardoned 
his enemies, both Templars and lay warriors, and from the position he 
holds throughout our play Nathan's surprise at his clemency to the 
Templar seems hardly justified. To be sure, we are told in 11. 231 f., 
that Saladin never spared a Templar, and the poet had a right to 
assume this; but this severity does not at all seem to correspond to 
the Sultan's character as it appears in our play. Cp., however, for 
faithlessness on the part of the Templars, and a justification of Saladin' s 
severity, 11. 647 f. 

88. See 210 ff. 

90. (BettHHft= the prize promised^ the winner in races, lotteries, 
etc. ; less frequently it is used for (Setpirm, in the sense of gain 
through an ordinary effort. 

91. In vivid narration the Preterite Ind. is sometimes used for the 

more common Plup. Subj. : cp. : „Cro^ eurer Spikftmfi wai Xilavia 



286 NATHAN DER WEISE [98 

Stuart I Hod? fyeute fret, tr>emx id? es nid?t t)erfyinbert." Sch. Mar. 
St. ,,¥0\x <£ngeflanber, tnaren u>ir aUein, | Bet (Sort, tt)tr fatten 
(Drleans nid?t nerloren." Sch. Jungfr. v. Or I. „Httt biefem 3tr»eiten 
pfetl burd?fd?'of5 id? (Eud?, | XUenn id? mem tiebes Kirtb getroffen 
fydtte." Sch. Wilh. Tell. Similarly Goethe, Lessing, Heine, even 
Wolfram v. Eschenbach, Parzival 1, 51 and 52, and others. — (Jrifd? = 
unhesitatingly. 

98. Cttte* e is not an inflectional ending, but an inorganic addition 
to the uninflected form. Notice alie bie *KtlTtbfd?aft, Gen., alle ber 
Kunbfd?aft. It is supposed to have been added for euphony, but the 
changes for euphony must be taken with some reserve. We have 
a similar excrescent e in many other forms: Lessing has eirt Sirm= 
gebid?te, Hctrre, (Eremite, (Sliicfe, <Sertd?te, fanfte, fiige, bide, f}etfe, 
3Uriicf e, ofte, etc. ; in Goethe, too, we find similar forms mostly in 
poetry however. In case of adverbs this may go back to regular usage 
of M. H. G. 

99. The position of the genitive between the pronominal or indef. 
adjective, or the article and the noun modified, common in M. H. G., 
is now altogether unusual. In M. H. G. this genitive could not have 
an article. — Kuttbjd?aft == Kentttttis, more commonly used with r>OTt 
and the dative. 

100. t>Ot*$eft>t*ei}teiU, spread out before — for the purpose of 
shielding from smoke and fire. 

113. erfyofc = extolled; entbot (with the ace. tfytt understood) = 
summoned, invited; befd?tDOr = iniplored, conjured. t 

117. fu unferev Sitte tanb 1 more commonly, unferer Bitte 
gegeniiber, or gegen urtfere Bitte, or fiir unfere Bitte. 

119. VlidltZ XVCniQCV = Eng., anything but that; lit, there is 
nothing that could be less the case than that; als bas is readily sup- 
plied. The phrase is very common in German. 

120. arttteten, for the more common jemanben angefyen (cp. 

1054) = to importune some one; cp. Eng. to approach some one for a 
favor. 

125. In the first edition of 1779 we have feiites 2Iuferftattbenen; 
the change was naturally made ; it is not necessary, however, to lay 
any stress on the UTtfers, as Duntzer, Buchheim, and others, suggest. — 
2Juferftattbene = the risen Lord. 

133-34. If the heart predominates, Sd?t»ermut = heaviness of 
heart; if the head predominates, tTTenfcfyertfya^ = misanthropy will 
carry the day. If Recha reflects, and finds that gratitude is useless, 
she will incline to misanthropy. If she fosters the feeling of per- 



195 



NOTES 28' 



sonal neglect, she will be melancholy. Both states of mind are likely 
to predominate alternately. Clearness of understanding is the only 
safeguard in the search for truth. The fanatic, the dreamer sup- 
plements his perceptions by fancies and feelings. See Appendix. 

144. 'Keitter 3^^M^!^^» Imitation of a construction common 
in Greek; equivalent to fcines 3 r ^ 1 '°^ en ^obn. 

147 ft. The meaning of the lines would probably be clearer for 
a slight rearrangement of the words: Der (£ngel einer fei aus feiner 
Wolfe, in bie rerbiillt cr fonft, — aucb nocb tut ^euer, — um fie 
aeid^tpebt, i. e.. enveloped in which he had at other times, and ez , e7i 
during the fire, been havering about her. let forms a tense with btX- 
corgetretert ; rerbiiUt is a postpositive participial adjective agreeing 
with er; with gcfcbtpcbt, babe might be supplied. 

153. The r/ irabn" had its origin with Daja; cp. 11. 1577 f. In a 
note taken from Marin. Lessing says : „Dte Kreu^briiber, bte io Hits 
toiffenb als Ieicbtgldubtg voaxzn, ftreuten oft aus, baft fie £ngel in 
tpet^en Kleibern, mit blit^enben Scbtoertern in ber Banb, unb infon-- 
berbeit ben beiligen (5eorg 5U pfcrbe in roller Hiiftung batten rom 
Bimmel berabfommen feben, trclcbe an ber 5pit3e ibrer >Criegs-- 
oolfer geftritten batten/' — L. M. 111. p. 14.9. Cp. Tasso. Jerusale?n 
Delivered, various places. 

156. t&UTU£ = launenbaft; the more common form in this sense 
is lauutfeb. 

158. bictlic^Ctl ttfttUett is a sanctimonious phrase with a deli- 
cate tinge of irony; toailen means to be on a pilgrimage; the phrase 
suggests that, as an angel, the Templar could not have the earth as 
his permanent biding place and had probably ere this ended his pil- 
grimage among us. his special mission being ended. 

159. The chivalry of the Templar is called ungerittet, unmannerly . 
because he so obstinately refuses to accept the gratitude of Recha. 

169. Cp. 11. 63 and 64. — Having escaped so great a danger-. 
Recha is doubly anxious to see her father as soon as possible, and in 
the following expresses her surprise at the delay after she had heard 
his voice. 

191. For an explanation of this and the following lines cp. Note 
to 1. 153. 

195. The prose sketch reads: ,,(5ott roar es, ber einen ficbtbaren 
(£ngel berabfebicfte, beffen metier ^ittig bie ^lammen rertpebte, 
beffen ftarfer 2lrm micb burcb has ^eucr tragen mn§te. #i From 
this it is evident that the phrase „VOtl feinem ^ittige rertpebt" is 
meant to modify ^cuer; grammatically it would more naturally be 



288 NATHAN DER WETSE [200 

taken with the subject er, or the object mtcfy ; the construction, as it 
stands, can hardly be justified even in poetry. 

200. The only explanation doing justice, or giving reasonable sense 
at any rate, to these two lines, is that by Ammer: „Z)em (£ngel ober 
(£ucfy — /' i.e. "Are you flattering me, whom you call an angel (in 
making me like the angel), or yourself, as the father of this angel." 

204. Nathan had applied in Recha's education the principles laid 
down by Lessing in his „(£r3termng bes tTCenfcfyengefcfytecfyts." Nathan 
allowed her to adopt the current conception of angels (cp. Hebrews 1, 
14), until he thought her to be sufficiently mature to accept a purely 
rational view, which he proceeds to expound to her in the following 
verses. This view considers everything looking like a miracle to be 
planned from all eternity, i.e. in the whole economy of nature. We 
can hardly suppose that Recha understands even now all that is im- 
plied. See App. 211. This entire discussion of miracles bears directly 
on the controversy with Goeze. 

235. From Marin 1, 249, Lessing made a note. ^Dap* bte gefctttg= 
rten Cempelfyerm fiir ifyre Cosfcmfung mcfyts gebert burften, als 
unguium et adtelhim, Dold? unb (Mrtel." 

2 37- fcfylicfft* somewhat unusual in the sense of, to prove, to 
argue in favor of someone. Cp. for a similar use of the word a 
review of March 23, 175 1, in the Berl. privilegierte Zeitung 
L. M. iv, 299. The contents are, at the same time, interesting in 
connection with verses 2514 f . : „Dte tfornerjmfte Urfacfye (tparum 
ber Derfaffer auf rmnbert ^ragen, bte fetner erften '2lrt3etge ent= 
gegengefe^t wavzn, 31U §ett nod) nicfyt geantroortet l^abe) tft, we'll 
fid? biefer (Segner tmter etrtem falfcfyen Harnett genamtt, unb ber 
£}err DoFtor bureaus benjenigen erft perfonlid? fenrten trull, tpelcfyen 
er tptberlegen foil. Die XParjrfyett 3U gefteben ; wit feben bas 
Scfyliegenbe biefer Urfacfye nicfyt ein." Again Laokoon xvn, L. 
M. ix, 101. 

251. t>iele 1XVaiX}i$ 3at|Ve, some twenty, or rather, close to 
thirty years; eirtige 3tpan3tg 3 a ^ re exactly corresponds to the Eng- 
lish expression. 

260. (BefcfyttHJtet* was formerly a neuter singular collective noun, 
and is so used here. It is now commonly used in the plural. 

262 f. The meaning of the following lines seems to be this : It is 
not an uncommon thing for two faces, even of strangers, to bear some 
general resemblance to each other. Thus the face of the Templar 
might well have reminded the Sultan of some features of his long lost 
brother. These features had once been the concrete object of the Sultan's 



329] NOTES 289 

deep affection, and now, though born by a stranger, kindled this same 
love : similar cause : similar effect ; bas Zlamltcbe : bas ZTdmltcfye. 

269. (BlttttfrCH in this line has for Nathan probably die same 
meaning as for the Fragmentist. See App. 211, last quotation. 

270. Weil bu Ttteiner fj>Otteft. In telling Nathan, 247-255, 
that too many circumstances militate against his "natural miracle." 
she is trifling with him I fpottCtl in a slightly modified sense). 

274. £?$HCl and S^Ctt are probably best considered nominatives. 
rather loosely modifying (Suticblii^c. — Goeze had emphasized (e. g. 
Strschr.. p. 6) that with Lessing's demands on the documents of 
religion „timrbe bic mcnfcblicbc ^reibcit colltg 5iigrurtbe geben, unb 
es tpiirbe ctlsbcmn bet^en : entoeber thrift ober in Volbans \" Cp. 
App. 385; also 211, first quotation. 

283. In his Dramaturgie Lessing insists that for all the actions 
of a dramatic character there must be a sufficient motive. If here he 
indicates that the Sultan, in sparing the Templar's life, was apparently 
influenced by a mere nothing, he disregards his own rules for higher 
purposes. He means to show that what in the eyes of the thought- 
less masses becomes a miracle, is by a competent, rational man readily 
reduced to natural causes. 

284. ttulfcert has here probably the sense of barbarous* uncivil, 
referring probably to i2of. 

286. ttHlTt^rj iicbti^, coined by Lessing : inteiit upon miracles 
where there are none; similarly (Eugclfcbrrjannenn(i66), angel-visionary. 

298. See App. 211. fciirft' = braucbte. Quite common in this 
sense in Lessing. less so in Schiller. Goethe, and later writers. 

300. IXttfitttt, if Daja. without having thought on the subject, 
considers this and similar absurd "miracles" as belonging to the plans 
of Providence ; (5otte5ld(tcruug, if she. with premeditation, asserts 
that God's plans can not be realized but by means of such arbitrary 
interferences with the established course of nature. The miracles, in 
Nathan's sense, have been arranged for from the beginning. 

311 f. A man engaging in such devotions enjoys the satisfaction 
afforded by genuine charity; the ^ZTacbfter/' the neighbor in the 
biblical sense, is benefitted as the object of this charity. 

312. beilCbt, old form for biiuFt. 

318. Daja makes a last attempt to uphold her angel theory in 
suggesting that the self-sufficiency of the Templar exceeded all human 
measure. 

323. Dercntii^jam = geniigfam. 

329. fd>afc ? t, see Note to 670, d. 



290 NATHAN DER WEISE [334 

334. ^VattfC was in the Orient a general designation for mem- 
bers of any western nation. The greater number of crusaders were 
either French or under the general leadership of the French. 

340. ^Xtjpvadl = gStlfprticfy = comfort, consolation. 

343. es XOCkX Ctrl aTenfdj, i.e. for the Templar it was enough 
that a human being was in danger; narrower, clannish considerations 
had no weight with Mm. His utter disinterestedness as to the person- 
ality of the recipient of his kindness is also indicated in the use of 
the neutre pronoun tpas, 345; tfym, 346, refers to tt>as as antecedent. 

355. Cp. the familiar Hymn ,,V0as (Sort tfyllt, has tft tDofylge= 
tfyatt." In one of the stanzas are these verses: 

,,X>er £?err, metn Tlx^t, ber fyeilen tann, 
Wivt> mir nicfyt (Sift etnfcfyenfen 
5ur itrjenct: (Sott ift gerreu, 
Drum roill id? ctuf irm batten 
lint* feincr (Sure tratten." 
360. See App. 

364. fciirfen, see 298. 

376. The character of the dervish Al Hafi was modeled in part 
after a contemporary of Lessing whom he met occasionally in the 
house of Moses Mendelssohn. Zelter wrote to his friend Goethe: "The 
mathematician Abram Wulff served Lessing as a model for his Al Hafi. 
He was an expert in figures, but very eccentric. . . . Lessing prized 
him for his wit and his native cynicism." X)enPtfcfy, from a Persian 
word meaning a poor man. £}Clft is a title of honor, like the biblical 
"scribe," a man versed in the Koran. The dervishes are a religious 
Mohammedan order, corresponding to the Catholic mendicant friars. 
Our dervish is by birth and profession a Mohammedan, but by choice 
and conviction a Parsee, that is, an adherent of the old Persian religion 
of Zoroaster. The Parsees were also called (Sfyeber, i.e. "infidels" or 
"unbelievers," because after the overthrow of the Persian government 
by the Arabs they remained faithful to their own religion. To Lessing 
this title may have appealed for other reasons. (See Appendix 2537.) 
In India also some Parsees are found, who emigrated from their old 
home in Persia on account of some religious differences. It seems, 
however, that Lessing confused these Parsees, who were very thrifty 
merchants in many cases, with the Gymnosophists, or naked philos- 
ophers, belonging to the Brahmanic religion, and living mostly as her- 
mits. Their severe penitential exercises are said to be interrupted 
only for the purpose of playing chess, a game of Indian origin. 

380 f. Nathan means to say that the genuine dervish — the 
Mohammedan monk — is too much inclined to idle contemplation to be 



441 ] NOTES 291 

of any real use to the world. It is worth while noticing in this con- 
nection, that not only is the dervish not a genuine dervish ; Saladin 
also is no genuine Mohammedan, Nathan is no genuine Jew, and — 
possibly the good friar excepted — there is certainly no genuine 
Christian portrayed in the drama. On this ground alone, a compari- 
son of the three nominally represented religions, as to their relative 
merits, cannot have been Lessing's purpose, as is often wrongly as- 
sumed. 

385. This line is very often quoted, and has regularly a meaning 
assigned to it that directly opposes Lessing's and Nathan's views. Cp. 
Modern Language A T otes, Vol. XI, 220 f. Also Introduction § 68, and 
Appendix. 

394. bV<XUf, i.e. on the security presented in the assumption that 
at heart he is still the old dervish. Leave it untranslated. 

396. tVa$ tV&V \&l an (Eurem *}Ofe? Supposing you were 
sultan, what position would you assign me ? 

399. He hints at Nathan's frugality; a cook would not have suf- 
ficient practice to keep up in his trade; and for a cupbearer or waiter 
there would be still less to do. 

401. Ironical. 

406. ift vcn fetnem ^aufe = gefyort fetrtem ^aufe an. The 

phrase is unusual ; probably an imitation of the French : est de sa 
maison. 

409. Stvumyf unb Stiel, now Stumpf unb Sttel; root and 

branch. 

411. tVOty einem* (Trot} is used in an older sense: vying with 
some one (here in poverty), a beggar as much as any one. Cp. 1067 

419. In his prose sketch, L. M. ill, 477, Lessing says : ,,Dte 

ITTartme, tpelcfye bte Zlraber bem 2Irtftotetes betlegen : es fet beffer, 
oa% etn ^iirft etn (Seter fet unter Sfern, als etn 1\as unter 
(Setern." 

422. 3t>t fyafct $Ut reben; possibly an imitation of the 
French il a beau dire, beau faire, etc. : Certainly, it is easy for you 
to talk. 

432. £?d>e^efrt*tef* The same expression is used a number of 
times in the Bible; cp. Matt, v, 31. 

437- 3*}** jdjttttelt, supply Otn Kopf; the omission is unusual; 
possibly due to analogy with the opposite tttcf en. 

440. VC<X£ XCfy V£VXn<XQi anything within my power; cp. Vet* 

mogen = wealth. 

441 QeftCVbCLV) a Persian word for treasurer, but derived from 



292 NATHAN DER WEISE [453 

the Greek Si(p&epa, 'skin,' * parchment ' ; so that it really means 
4 scribe, ' ' bookkeeper. ' 

453. Cp. Act 11, Sc. 9 ; also 3152 f. 

456. Sett reiC^fteit Pettier, meaning, very likely, him- 
self. 

477. pfeife, decoy whistle, with which the fowler caught the 
(Stmpel, bullfinch. (Stmpet has about the same figurative meaning 
as the English colloquial 'sucker.' 

482. attsmet*$eln, etymologically connected with ITTarf, mar- 
row; to drain, to plunder, 

485. Cp. Matt, v, 45. 

510. Nathan once more taunts Daja with her angel theory and 
shows from the actions enumerated in the following verses how ab- 
surdly she herself contradicts her former claims. 

520. fd}l&£t, turns; probably from fid? in bte Biifcfye fcfylagen, 
ettten VdZQ etttfcfylagen, expressions which seem to have originated in 
times and under circumstances when paths were literally hewn into 
forests. 

524. Wo\ ein = 2Jbtr>efenfyett. 

528. ticmxnt gucfy nicfyt, stronger than Kommt tttcfyt 3U (Eucfy, 

nearly equal to will not come near you. 

534. The 'brothers' (fratres) or 'lay brothers' were a kind of 
monastic servants. They were bound by certain vows, but were not 
in holy orders. Persons properly consecrated as priests were called 
'Fathers' (patres). 

535. ftt MctlCIt denotes respectful assent, about equivalent to 
'if you please.' 

541. The use of bet tyetV instead of a pronoun, as a sign of sub- 
mission, is still quite common in some parts of Germany; e.g. Leipzig. 

549. Lessing had read of this evil effect of dates in Baumgarten's 
General History, 

555. atlf bett 3 a ^ n fwt|leit, to feel one's pulse, figuratively. 

562. The (Eittf&tt of the Friar has more Vk method in it" than the 
Templar is at first aware. 

567. nent>e$tert$ = neugtcrig ; archaic form. 

570. bas vote Siren? anf tretftem TUanUU The white 

mantle, decorated on the left side with an octagonal red cross and 
worn over the armor, was the sign of the templars. In the year 
11 18 Hugo de Payens and nine other French knights formed a league 
tor the protection of pilgrims. They took the vows of chastity, obe- 
dience, and poverty before the patriarch of Jerusalem. They made 



6 5 3 1 NOTES 293 

their home in a part of Baldwin's palace, supposed to be built on the 
ancient site of the temple, whence their name. 

577. £eit>?tt?an?t£fter, lit, myself the twentieth, i.e. 'with 
nineteen others.' 

591. patriate^ for patrtard?. The Templar was not wholly 
ignorant in the matter. See 3845 f. 

593. auf fcefyaltett = aufbemafyrett. The term sounds biblical. 

595. In prose the article ben would not be omitted with 
Sinai. 

598. felfcft bcv patriarch for ber patriarch felbft. Selbft 

is here the intensive pronoun, not the adverb. The odd position is 
due to metrical considerations. 

611. fa^t 5er patriarch see 712, Note. 

615. The figure is of biblical origin; cp. 2d Timothy IV, 8; 
1st Peter V, 4. Lessing emphasizes in various places that good ought 
to be done for its own sake, not with a gross view to reward. — It 
is well to call to mind the fact, that in the patriarch Lessing meant 
to exhibit certain traits of his antagonist Goeze. In justice to Goeze 
it must be said, however, that, though he was not very liberal in his 
views, his ideas have none of the grossness of those held by the 
patriarch, and his conduct was on the whole honest and manly. 

622. ftd} befetyett, more commonly fid? umfefyen. 

645. tint with the infinitive regularly denotes purpose. This 
clause is clearly intended for a result clause, and is due to a con- 
tamination of two constructions. Aside from the construction with 
lim 3U and the infinitive, purpose is expressed in bam it or baft 
clauses with the subjunctive (often replaced by the indicative). But 
result clauses are also introduced by baft f and coincide then in form 
with purpose clauses having the indicative. By a sort of analogy, we 
have here 11 m 311 with the infinitive in a result clause, a rare construc- 
tion; cp. Schiller, Tell, 1. 645. (Cp., for similar contamination, „£ag er 

nun fo auf bent Bette unb 3at}Ite bte langen Stunben; . . . bann 
tsar es oft fetn etn3ta.es £abfai, an bte Daterftabt 3uriicf3uben?en." 
The interrogative clause (£ag, etc.) originally used in conditional sen- 
tences, has here temporal force. ) Our sentence is clear thus : . . . ob 
bte (Sefafyr bemt gar fo grog, fo baft man ben tPaffenfttttftanb mte= 
ber fyerfteUen miiffe; b. fy ob es ntcfyt 3U waqen fet, ben Krteg tine* 
ber an3Ufangen. Cp. Historical Stimmary, in the Introduction. 

6 53- ergrUT^eit lonntn, supply fyattet. Lessing ventures 
much farther in the omission of the finite form of auxiliaries than 
good usage allows at present. 



2 94 NATHAN DER WEISE [ 66 1 

661. (XUZQCtitCVn is said to denote 'spying out, by looking 
through bars,' a (Satter, or (Sitter. — f]terndd?ft, moreover. 

670. 3C5 frdlctMttS* Generally the genitive of proper names 
preceded by the article has no inflectional S. Buschmann gives the 
following list of the more noticeable grammatical peculiarities found in 
Nathan : 

a) Proper names, even if preceded by a pronominal word or ar- 
ticle, sometimes have an 5 in the genitive : bes Suiabins, but also 
bes Salabxn, unfers Hatfycms. 

b) Adjectives ending in -er, when used in neutre nouns, lose the 
inflectional e: 2Ibgefd?macfters., Seffers, Unglaublid?ers, £)id?ti= 
gers. — Adjectives in -elrt, -em sometimes drop an additional in- 
flectional en: alberrt for albernen, lebern, filbern, ein3eln. 

c) Metrical considerations occasioned forms such as ^eu'r, eu'r, 
tteu'fte, fii^'fte, beteu'rte, reb't, reb'te, fd?ab't, also more colloquial 
forms and contractions such as : mit jemcmb iibern (for iiber ben) 
^u§ gefpannt fein ; untern (for unter ben) palmert ; even in (for 
in'n = in ben) Sad, in (for in ben) Kopf. 

d) The omission of the auxiliaries t]aben and fein is frequent, 
both in relative clauses, and in subordinate clauses introduced by a 
conjunction ; the auxiliary is regularly omitted in these cases, if the 
following clause begins with an auxiliary. 

e) There are a number of antiquated words and forms in Nathan, 
e.g. Strumpf (now Stumpf) unb Sttel; ZTeubegier, ueubegterig, 
Had?begier, blutbegierig (now Heugier, neugierig, etc.); dugften 
(commonly dngftigen), beanaben (begnabigen), befd?onen (befd?oni- 
gen), erftmben (erfunbigen) ; annod? (nod?), alltpo (wo), r»ors erfte 
(fiirs erfte), forberfamft (3undd?ft), 3um minbften (contraction from 
minbeften). 

f) A number of colloquial expressions deserve to be noticed, e.g. 
fyerausfd?mei§en ; erfaufen; nu, nu; nur 3a; bei einem ^aare; 
bte alte £eier (= bas alte £ieb) ; Knall unb ^alf ; mir nid?ts, bir 
nid?ts; mad? (= beeile bid?); brum fein (= etmas rerloren fyaben); 
einen ft^en laffen; mit jemanben iibern $u§ ^vannt fein; auf 
bem CCrocf nen fein (= ofme IHittel fein); 3U T&anbe (= 3U CEnbe) 
fein ; einem eixvas an ben Kopf merfen (= ifym ein (Sefyeimnis 
aufbrdngen); fein Hasten in alles ftecf en ; von jemanbes XUacfye 
(= 2Irt) fein; einem ben (Saraus madden. — Colloquial is also the 
rather frequent omission of the pronominal subject : XUei§ nid?t, 
serftefyt fid? ; gilt nicr/t ; mug bod? t»ofyl ; faufe nid?ts ; tDunfcr?' 
<£ud? (Sliicf ; tpirb fd?on nod? fommen ; ift waty ; taugt nxd}ts; 



703] NOTES 295 

tpaY ntcfyt mein VTiann ; btft bod] metne Colter nod? ; and even : 

wo getpefen? 
673. nXdt*OTtitClt are the remaining adherents of the Monotheletes* 
a Christian sect in the mountains of Lebanon, who insist that in spite 
of his twofold nature Christ was of one will, his human will having 
been wholly supplanted by the divine. In 1182 they recognized the 
authority of the pope and took some part in the crusades with the 
ardor of first love. They are called Maronites after their first abbot, 
Maro. 

675. Btixd = Stretd?. 

676. $att' erjeJ}n, potential subjunctive. — "Can it be pos- 
sible that the patriarch chose me to be this gallant man also," would 
nearly give the meaning. 

678. ptoletnais (now called Acre, Accho or St. Jean d'Acre), 
the most important harbor north of Mt. Carmel, was held by the 
Christians from 1104-1187, and was recaptured by Richard the Lion- 
hearted and Philip Augustus II, in 1191, remaining in the possession of 
the Johannite order till 129 1. 

680. DevbinMidjfett fcem Salabin: more commonly gegen= 

liber would be added. 

683. 3a, bas Wat' fdjOtt £Ut. — 3a and fcbon, both have 
concessive force. — It is worthy of notice with what fine discrimina- 
tion Lessing uses the preterite and the present subjunctive and tenses 
of the indicative in indirect discourse throughout this entire interview. 
If modes and tenses are here roughly confused by the reader, he is 
sure to miss the fine shades of meaning which Lessing meant to ex- 
press. A few examples : 605 , future with potential force ; potential 
subj. tD&re, 609; in indirect discourse regularly present subj. 611-629; 
642-49; tDU§te, 630, optative. rvav\ 653, not merely indir. disc, 
subj., but preterite with potential, so-called polite force; notice the 
following verses; similarly bdtt\ 676; wdv\ 683; tPaY and raubf, 688, 
689; also bltebe, 689, is a potential subjunctive with an almost fiendish 
suggestiveness. 

698. XV Otic has here, as in many similar phrases with an imper- 
sonal subject, almost lost its meaning ; cp. , as common report will 
have it. 

701. ein^eleucfytet = etmas fetnem Bruber Sfynlicfyes er= 
^cr/tenen fet. 

703. From here to the end of 710 the Templar seems almost to 
overlook the presence of the friar. WCLVZ is probably an optative, pos- 
sibly a potential subjunctive. In view of the dash after bod], we are 



296 NATHAN DER WEISE [ 705 

justified in referring the demonstrative pronoun bas, 703, not to the 
same antecedent as btefes in 702, but to something which the Templar 
carries with him as a precious secret and mentions only in 3845. 

705. Studies in physiognomy were popular in Lessing's day, and 
somewhat later. The Templar is convinced of a perfect parallelism 
between body and mind, both being the work of God (710). 

712 f. In spite of the friar's frequent „fagt ber pcttrtard?," and 
his avowal of implicit obedience, it is evident that the Patriarch could 
not have anticipated all of the Templar's reasons for refusal; and yet 
we cannot say that his " simple" representative wronged him with the 
sophistries which he ascribed to him. 

717. pdJet* The phrase is surely an imitation of the French 
u risquer le paquet" = to venture. The phrase "risquons done le 

paquet" is found in some remarks accompanying Lessing's unfinished 
French translation of his Laokoon. 

718. £?pticfytt>OVt* Just in this form the proverb seems to be 
unknown generally. There is a proverb running : ZHe XPetber firtb 
bes Cetlfels KraUert. tDofyl, here not expressive of doubt as ordinarily; 
it might be rendered by: "Now tell me, the adage lies, etc." — 
Notice the loquaciousness of Daja and, in contrast, the Templar's 
curt answers. A somewhat similar scene is enacted by Just and the 
landlord in Lessing's Minna von Barnhelm, I, 1. 

721. XV d£ fet} id} ? Daja means to act as if she merely hap- 
pened to come this way and were surprised to see the Templar. 

730. fo oftCVS; ofters, adverbial 5 added to the common com- 
parative ofter ; with fo the positive is commonly used, as one would 
naturally expect. 

734. SpC^CVCXCXty particularly herbs valued for their fragrance. 

736. StltCt., Arabian form for China. 

737. 'Kcttlfe tticfytS, a rather sharp and yet an appropriate an- 
swer to Daja's enumeration of Nathan's wealth, which was evidently 
intended to make a favorable impression on the Templar. 

738. Ctls, now we should use tPtC ; Daja does not mean to say, 
they honor him as a prince, but as they would a prince, like a prince. 

741. Cp. 1. 1805 f., and notes. 

747. <Ei ! Ironical surprise : Indeed ! 

748. UHe fdntett ein Uu$znbUd voviibcv ift, foil id} 

fefyett? He means to say, if Nathan was generous indeed, this 
noble impulse was surely limited to the moment in which he heard of 
the Templar's deed. Compare for a pretty close parallel Shakespeare's 
Richard III, Act iv, Scene 4. To Richard, enumerating all the honors 



794 1 NOTES 297 

which he is about to bestow on the daughter of the quee^i, whose sons 
he had killed, the queen answers : 

"Be brief, lest that the process of thy kindness 
Last longer telling than thy kindness' date." 

752. For Daja, Christianity is, as a matter of course, superior to 
Judaism, or any other religion, and the mere fact of her bearing the 
name of Christian makes her correspondingly better. 

752. Undi mix xvaxb'z vox fcer ttHe^e nicfyt $efun- 

<£Ctt == From the nature of my environment it could not be expected, 
etc. The expression evidently arose from the belief that prophecies 
of fairies or wise women, made at the birth of a child, — over the 
cradle, — were sure to be fulfilled. 

757. <Eitt eMer fitted} t (Knecfyt in the older significance of 
the word) — squire; a man not bound to common service in the army, 
but, as the English equivalent really signifies, a man for service on 
horseback. 

761. erfaufen, vulgar and rough for ertrinfen. Cp. for a 

similar thrust of a man bored by too frequent repetition of the same 
story, Minna von Barnhelm 1, 12. — See also Note to 570. 

765 ff. Cp. Introduction, § 74, b, I. 

777. VOVX l}Ctlfe, a figure probably taken from the yoke placed 
on the neck of oxen and other animals = Don't bother me with the 
girl's father. 

782. She has reference to Recha's birth and religious affiliation. 

787. 2TTuf?* A number of editors seem to prefer biirfen in this 
place. Xniiffett is here used quite as the English must, and, in parts 
of North Germany at least, it is still so used, both in positive and 
negative sentences. 

789. $iXX midl, Xtnb faum, admits of two interpretations. 
Sittah may mean, that for her, being a less skillful player, Saladin 
plays well enough, and even for her but hardly well enough. — More 
likely she means that he is playing well for her, i. e. so that the 
game will turn out in her favor. Yet hardly to her advantage either 
(cp. 804-5; 809-11; 1457-8); because if he plays carelessly, so that 
she wins, he has no occasion to comfort her with a present larger 
than the stakes. 

791. 3n Me (Babel fiefyen or cje^en, to fork, i.e. 'to 

make a move by which two pieces are at once endangered.' 
793- 3^! f£^£ VOX, I cover it; I interpose. 
794. HicmmCy difficulty, strait. 



298 NATHAN DER WEISE [795 

795. 23uf?C> fine, loss; ordinarily 'repentance'; from the same 
stem as Engl, 'better.' 

800. Was 4iit% Pll bet. 

801. £>ertttUten, from older t>ermutenb. In certain parts of 
North Germany the present participle, losing its final b, has become 
identical with the present infinitive. Lessing {Emilia Galotti iv, 3 
and II, 7) and Schiller {Don Carlos IV, 14) have retained this b : t>er- 
mutenb. Similarly attmuten = anmutenb in jemanb ettpas att= 
milten fettt. The use of fettt with present participle was rare even 
in Middle High German. 

805. IHu&t*, a gold coin adopted from the Byzantine empire, 
worth about two dollars in modern money. Haferittcfyett, the smallest 
Turkish silver coin, worth much less than a cent. meine tcmfettb 
Dinar. The tnettte indicates that a thousand dinars was the cus- 
tomary amount played for, and won by Sittah, which is an additional 
argument in favor of the second, and as distinctly against the first 
interpretation of „gut fiir truer/" (789). 

806. 2Tt it ^letf?., intentionally. 

821. Zlbfcfydd}* The queen having been threatened, a new move 
endangers also the king, so that the queen must be sacrificed. But 
by the loss of this most movable piece the conclusion of the game is 
prepared. Zlbfcfyacfy, or 2Ib3UO,sfd?acfy, is nearly equivalent to boppelt 
Scfyad? in line 820. 

826. 8l0ft mtt fcem Steilte. Most commentators see in this 
a jesting allusion to Saladin's unhappy relations with his queens. It 
seems doubtful, at least rather far-fetched. Why not take betTt as 
a demonstrative pronoun, not the article ? In line 828 Sittah probably 
alludes to some experiences of Saladin with other queens. Marin, 
Lessing's authority on Saladin, mentions a number of cases. He 
granted the wives of princes fighting against him safe conduct to visit 
their husbands, and even went so far as to restore a fortress to the 
enemy at the request of the sister of Saleh, son of Sultan Nurreddin, 
on whom Saladin had been making war. 

833- Vd&tt, abbreviation for Scfyctcfy matt. The word is the 
Persian mat a, meaning dead; Scfyacfy matt, the king is dead, i. e. the 
play is lost. 

835. (BleicfytHCl* // does not matter much, in the end you 
must lose anyway. 

836. The command is given to some slave in attendance. 

837. VO<\X fevftvetlt* The cause of his distraction is mentioned 
in lines 902 ff. 



886 ] NOTES 299 

839. Hub b<XHXX+ An additional cause for his lack of attention 
was given by the smooth chessmen. The Koran interprets the first 
commandment of the Mosaic law literally, and forbids any *arved or 
graven image. Accordingly, strict Mohammedans, in playing chess, 
use smooth, though painted or numbered geometrical figures. Person- 
ally, the Saladin of our play had outgrown this narrowness of his 
creed, though he might use smooth pieces, if he played with the 
Imam, the Mohammedan priest. 

849. 5erftreuun$ — ntdjt! In view of the exclamation point 
by Lessing's hand I take the line to be intended ironically, though 
good-natured. §CrftrCUUng means here not, as it often does, and 
from its composition might be expected to mean, the quality or state 
of being distracted, but rather the cause of the distraction. Sittah 
thinks this cause is, as a matter of course, the impending war, the 
thought of which had diverted also her attention. 

854. Stttteftanb = IDaffenfttllftanb. 

857. b<XSy demonstrative pronoun, i.e. a good man. This mar- 
riage of Sittah to Richard's brother is an invention of the poet. It is 
a matter of history, however, that a marriage between Melek al Adhel, 
a brother of Saladin, and a sister of Richard was contemplated. 
Melek was to have the kingdom of Jerusalem and share his throne 
with Joan, the widow of William of Sicily, on condition that she 
would bring him Ptolemais or Acre as a dowry (cp. 11. 678 and 892). 
But Richard's sister would not give her consent, unless Melek would 
profess Christianity (cp t 1. 880 f.). Saladin expresses his view of the 
real cause, 1. 889 fif. 

867. Du fennft Me (E^riften nidit. Cp. Appendix. Sittah's 

harsh judgment has primarily reference to the crusaders, whom she 
judges quite in accordance with the prevalent but hardly just views 
of the eighteenth century. On the principle of the man living in the 
glass house, she ought to have been more charitable to the fanaticism 
of the crusaders, because, of all religions, probably not one was ever so 
zealously propagated by means of fire and sword as Mohammedanism. 

878. fc^anfcetU I should think some emphasis ought to be put 
on ITTenfd/ert. She means, evidently, that the name of Christian is 
applied to so many unworthy subjects that a good man must be 
ashamed to bear it. 

882. Voltaire's Zaire, though a Christian, ardently desires to unite 
with Orosman, a Mohammedan, and is prevented from doing so by 
Christian priests and friends. Cp. particularly Zaire, Act IV, Sc. 1. 

886. ntdttnitt, Cp. Genesis, 11, 23 : „xnaTt trtrb fie irtannin 



300 NATHAN DER WEISE [ 887 

fyeigen, barum ba$ fie com IHanne genommen tft." Lessing prob- 
ably means to point out, by using this term, that conjugal love ante- 
dates all differences of creed. 

887 ff. Saladin distinguishes two elements in the Templars : that 
of the soldier and that of the monk or Christian. As a matter of 
fact, the movement did not remain as pure, in the course of time, as 
its originators had meant it to be. Often the crusaders made their 
religion a pretext for gaining advantages which would otherwise have 
been denied them. 

897. Oh tuelleidjt, etc., supply um 3U fefyert, or some such 
phrase. geldltge is not merely subjunctive of indirect discourse. 
Lessing would probably have used the present subjunctive for that 
purpose. (Sel&Tige has, besides, optative force. Cp. 1. 574. 

903. irrte, tdnntC, polite subj.: trren, here used as in M.H.G., 
in the sense of ftoreit, to trouble, perplex. 

908. Freely, He can not make ends meet; there is trouble on all 
sides. 

915 f. Al Hafi had received the summons, and supposes that he 
had been called to dispose of the money expected from Egypt. 

917. fcitl is used in North German dialects much the same as 
fcfyott, which is common also in Middle and South Germany. It 
corresponds closely to the colloquial English 'nice,' except that fetn or 
fcfyott is used as adverb with an adjective: fettt triel; es tft fyeilte 
fcfyort marm ; while in English we use it as an adjective : // is nice 
and warm to-day. 

921. tPCtS = Ziwas, common in spoken language, and not infre- 
quently found in literature : That is mstead of something (as I ex- 
pected) , less than nothing, a minus quantity. 

925. VO<XS (JOUnett? VOas used adverbially. What use is 
it to talk of grudging? XPetXTt — , supply the ellipsis from 1. 966 ff. 
Sittah is anxious to have the play considered finished and won by 
her, in order that her generosity may still be concealed from Saladin. 
Hence her impatient exclamation (1. 932), when she sees her secret 
endangered by Al Hafi's words. 

941. 3d f ! Is that the way matters stand! You want to be 
counted the loser, and therefore consider you are. Like play, like 
pay. She will be paid as she has won. 

943. et ftratlfrt fid} £em, he likes to be, urged. 

947. Important testimonial for Sittah. 

953. Die 2Ttumtneret — , this farce. 

958. 23efdjei&ert, in an older sense of the word, still common in 



1035] NOTES 301 

the eighteenth century, literally equal to belef}rt, informed of all the 
conditions, and hence considerate, discreet. Cp. 23efcfyetb ; also Ctb= 
fcfyldgltd? befcfyetbcrt = to give an unfavorable reply; similarly 1. 1416/ 
Sefcr/etbenfyett = discretion. 

962. fid} VCVbitttlX. Saladin assumes that Sittah had put her- 
self under some obligation to Al Han rather than to himself, and he 
wonders what it could be that she would rather ask the dervish 
not to disclose than her brother. nerbtttcrt = deprecate; i ask, not to 
do something.' 

965. Tt&fyeV tVCtCUy let not a trifle trouble you more than it 
ought. Cp. 1. 2553, has gefyt mtr naty. 

976. aUSttfevfen, or ausfe^cn, to set apart ; to make a special 
allowance. 

983. Uuftvanb, 2Iusaaben. 

989. 3cfy arm? Iter Brufcer arm? The brother of a 

sister as noble as Sittah is showing herself cannot be called poor. 
Dcr bears some stress. 

990. Cp. Appendix. In his Collectanea for Nathan Lessing has 
this note from Marin and Dapper's Delitiae orientales, p. 180: 

„Salabtn fyatte me mefyr als ein Kleib, me mefyr als ein pferb in 
fetnem Stall. XHttten unter Heicfytiimem unb liberflug freute er 
jtcfy einer t>otltaen 2Irmut. (£trt Kletb, ein pferb, etnen (5ott \" 

1002. UbbVt&ltn, £\n}\Cfycn, to curtail, to limit one's self 
in his expenses. 

1005. macfyen, avail. 

1012. fpiefjCTt was considered a more disgraceful way of execut- 
ing than broffeln = erbroffeln. fptefjen = impale ; erbroffeln = 

strangle. 

1015. Embezzlement would have been less dangerous, under the 
circumstances, than a surplus. Not to be taken too seriously. 

1021. Uuf fceitt ^rOCfneit, nautical, = to be stranded. 

1022. Das fefylte XXOdll fefylte, potential subj., That alone is 
wanting to complete matters. That would cap the climax. 

1029. ttfUCfyertt, ordinarily to be guilty of taking usury ; here, 
to bring in large interest. 

1032. Al Han is startled (betroffen). He at once sees some ap- 
parent danger for Nathan and tries to avert it ; cp. 1. 1427 f. 

1035. 2Hid? bCXltt. The impersonal with either dative or ac- 
cusative of person is somewhat more common with gebeitfett = tcfy er= 
tmtere mtcfy. Instances are found also in Schiller and Gleim, but 
the construction is hardly used now. 



302 NATHAN DER WEISE [ 1047 

1047 f. Al Hafi intimates that, according to a current rumor, 
Nathan's affairs are in so precarious a state that he was hardly ex- 
pected to return. 

1050. erfcfyallt, supply von bem (Serebe bariiber . . . 

1054. anQcfycn, cp. 1. 120. 

1055. Da tennt 3^r il\n. ironical. 

1066. Den Urmen QXCbt er nvav, etc. Mendelssohn an- 
swered a recension of Lessing's Die Juden, adversely in some partic- 
ulars, in a letter to a friend. Lessing afterwards published this letter. 
In it we find these words: „ilberl]aupt finb getrnffe menfcr/ltdpe 
Sugenben ben %ubm gemetner, als ben metften <£brtften . . . VO'xz 
mttletbtg finb fie nicfyt gegen alle IHenfcfyen, nne milbe gegen bie 
2Irmen betber XTattonen? Unb note fyart r»erbtent bas Derfafyren 
ber metften (Ebrtften gegen ifyre 2Jrmen genannt 3U tnerben? €s 
tft tpafyr, fie tretben btefe betben £ngenben faft 3n tpett. 3^ r 2Tu*= 
letben tft all3n empftnbltcr/, unb btrtbert betnafy bie (SerecfyttgFett, 
nnb tfyre ITCtlbtgFett tft betnafy £>erfdnx)enbung. 2Jlletn, tpenn bod? 
alle, bte ausfefytnetfen, anf ber guten Sette ansfefytnetfeten \" 

1067. trot; 5alaMn; trot} in its older meaning = zv tr>ettetfert 
mtt Sctlabtn tm (Scbzn. 

1077 f. CXXCfy, ethical dative. Ctuf 5 <&zbtX\ etferfiicfyttg; ordinar- 
ily etferfiicfyttg as well as netbtfer) are followed by anf and an accu- 
sative of a person. 'He is so jealous, so envious of every opportun- 
ity to give ! ' r/ £°k n ® on <8ott," an abridged phrase used by beggars 
to express their gratitude = €s tPerbe €nd? (or 3fy nen ) &obn Don 
(Sott. A more common phrase in South and Middle Germany is : 
,,Pergelf 5 (Sott I" In North Germany : „<Sott lolm's !" 

1081. UTilfce, now commonly equal to hindness. For the special 
form of kindness known as charity, we use now more commonly 
ITttlbifydttgfett. 3 m (Sefe^ = tm mofatfefyen (Sefe^. Al Hafi rep- 
resents Nathan's charity as springing from entirely selfish, at any rate 
from very narrow motives, in obedience to a command, not for its 
own sake. — Possibly, some of the charity mentioned by Mendelssohn 
in his letter quoted above may be due to such considerations. — 
Accordingly, Al Hafi calls Nathan also ,,02X1 gcm3 gemetnen 3 U0Cn /' 
11 the very ordinary Jezu "y ordinary with the same tinge as gemetn. 

1086. itfcer'n £uft $efpannt, on bad terms. Taken from 
wrestling, where each participant endeavors to make his opponent fall 
over his leg, to trip him. More common : „lTttt jemartb auf gefpamt= 
tern $u§ fetn or fteben." 

1 103. Josephus, Jewish Antiquities, relates that Solomon buried 



1 192 ] NOTES 3°3 

large treasures with his father David's body. The high priest 
Hyrcanus and King Herod were believed to have opened the grave 
and to have enriched themselves with the buried valuables. This cir- 
cumstance was also related by Baumgartner in his General History, 
from which Lessing probably drew. 

ill I f. ViCLVVZXly if they buried their treasures with themselves 
thoughtlessly; BofetDtcbter, if with the malicious intent to deprive 
posterity of their use. 

1116. £?&UtTltiet\ The first part of the compound is derived 
from the Greco-Latin 5 aging, = cover or saddle, or also the load. 
Scmmtter, accordingly = £afttter, beast of burden. tretbt, ordinarily 
transitive, here = 3tebt. 

1 125. eiTt^CftitUltlt, attuned to, in harmony with. 

1 130. Cp. 1. 2434. Nathan's unwillingness to lend was ascribed 
by Al Hafi to religious narrowness. 

1135. Ittebt* Ctl5 Citl 3u£>' = 'a man free from religious pre- 
judice and national faults;' tncntger ctls tin 3 U ^' = 'making of these 
faults a virtue,' as Al Hafi intimated. Cp. 1. 1751m 

1141. ScfytV&ctlt. The sentence is not as clear to the average 
reader as it seems to be to the commentators generally. What particular 
weakness in Nathan she refers to, becomes clear from 11. 175 1 — 1754: 
it is the stingy, the apprehensive, the timid Jew for whom her trap 
is laid ; these qualities, supposed by Sittah to be common to the Jews, 
are assumed to be also Nathan's weakness, and are intended to ensnare 
him. The assumption that in the term „betl ScbroacbcTl" Sittah might 
refer to herself (which was made in the former edition) would call for 
„bet btn S<5qvoadqzn" rather than „mtt ben Scr/tracr/en." 

1 162. The „gaTt3 ettPas anbres," supposed to be agitating her 
soul, cannot very well be anything but love for the Templar, though 
judging from her question, Recha seems to be unaware of it ; but 
cp. 11. 1 183 and 1 186. 

1 167. Why exact this promise? Is it mere fatherly interest? Or 
does Nathan, as yet unacquainted with the Templar, think of obstacles 
that might seem to be in the way of a union on account of Recha's 
supposed Judaism? On the other hand, even if these were removed, 
the Templar would still be bound by his vows; cp. 1. 1388. 

1 1 79. WCiS gilt's ? What is the wager? — without any tinge 
of vulgarity. 

1 19 1. fcbcUCtt is commonly construed with t>or and the dative. 

1192. ratine G,U££nb, oxymoron; cp. 11. 156 and 159; raufy = 
rude, rough. 



304 NATHAN DER WEISE [ 1194 

1 1 94. Nathan wonders that he, being a man, like the Templar, 
should be perplexed by his actions. 

1 196. bvaUcn <8<Xn$, elastic step. 

1 198. XV fdfy id}, etc., spoken aside. Nathan at once detects 
familiar features in the Templar. 

1 1 99. ^VCXIxtCy see 1. 334. — In his impatience the Templar does 
not wait for Nathan even to begin speaking. His Was is much the 
same as if Nathan had said : ' I beg your pardon, sir ' — and he had 
at once interrupted: 'What for?' 

1202. Det*?iel}t reminds of the Bible and is used instead of 
„b let hi," probably to give some oriental coloring. 

1203. t>0riibereilen commonly takes an and the dative. 

12 18. £&1<X1X}C, from French chance, i. e. to put at stake. 

12 19. The dash shows that the clause following is an afterthought, 
not as rudely meant as it sounds. To the Templar religious differ- 
ences were of no importance. He merely wanted to get rid of 
Nathan, possibly for the quiet of his own soul. Cp. Introd., § 74, b, 1-3. 
A passage from the first draft, L. M. in, 483, corroborates these views : 
XVtnn tfym Hatfycm, auf bem tDege 311m Sultan, begegnet tft; fo 
farm es letcfyt fern, ba§ er fetnen Befucr? nerfcrneben 311 miiffen 
glaubt. — Hacfyel: IDtefo? 3ft er ^ e Y uns allein mcfyt ftcfyer? 
ZHrtafy : £tebe llnfd?ulb ! VOo finb £eute fiercer, bte fid? felbft mcfyt 
trauen biirfen? llnb n?er barf fid? felbft tpentger trauen, als bcr 
unnatiirlicr^e (Seliibbe auf fid? genommen bat? 

1227. Nathan excuses himself for having offered to the Templar 
some of his wealth. 

123 1. Cp. 741. In his answer, Nathan disregards the Templar's 
insinuations as to the wealth of the Jews, and only reminds him that, 
other things being equal, wealth is surely better than poverty, and in 
so many words places his wealth at the young knight's disposal. 

1240. Setjt., etc. The Templar's suspicious nature crops out on 
all occasions, in spite of his own disavowal, 1. 2714. Cp. 11. 533, 
2721. 

1245. fcefctttt must be stressed, not bas. He means to show 
the justice of his claim on Nathan. 

1252. bCV 'STOpfCTU ber is a demonstrative; i.e. 'more tears 
than these have fallen on the mantle.' It can hardly be inferred that 
the Templar refers to his own tears. He was not in the mood to 
confess to so much emotion. 

1257. (Elite 2iniee felfret\ Literally, your knees themselves 
The meaning is clear. 



1343 1 NOTES 3°5 

1259. The numerous dashes show that the Templar is perplexed. 
The change from ^ube to Hatfyatt indicates a kindlier feeling. 

1267. It would have been quite improper for Recha to receive the 
Templar in the absence of her father. The Templar indicates in 
1. 1270 that his motives were less noble. Cp. Introduction, § 74, b, 1. 

1273. Cp. Appendix. Also Goethe, Iphigenie, verses 1937-42. 

1277! The line refers directly back to 1. 1274; i.e. 'some 
countries have a larger number of good men than others.' Nathan 
does not agree, great men are everywhere scarce. 

1278. VCixt Mefetn Unterfd|ieb ift's nid>t wtit bcv. 

That differ e7ice is of little importance. 

1283. m&feltV, to find fault. 

1284. UnOVV, Unubbcn. Both excrescences on the tree; i.e. 
both are faulty, imperfect, and neither has the right to inveigh against 
the other for its faults. 

1285. eitt- Probably meant for the numeral; some little top of 
the tree must not be so presumptuous as to imagine that it alone is 
of nobler origin than other branches. 

1288. Das fcieje 21tenfc^enmdfelei — . That first practiced 

this invidious discrimination. (Buchheim). 

1293. See Appendix, also Introduction. etttbrecfyeTt = to refrain 
from. Lessing uses this word repeatedly in his writings. It is not 
common now. Cp. also Cardanus, De subtilitate, Book II, translated 
in part by Lessing in his Rettung des Cardanus, L. M. 15, p. 313 f. 

1302. Zdiuppzn. Cp. Acts ix, 18 : Hub allfobalb ftel es von 
fetrten 2Iugen wk Scfyuppen unb er trarb uneber fefyenb. bier, 
jet)t, of course, in Palestine, at the time of the crusades. Cp. 2289 f. 

1309. Cp. Appendix. The same view as Sittah's and Saladin's, 
1. 881. 

13 12. 21Tettfcfy ? with Lessing, meant much the same as ,,etTI Qatlz 
3er Kerl" or ,,etrt Kerl/' later with Goethe in his younger years, 
and his contemporaries. Cp. an interesting study on the word 
„iibermenfd?," by R. M. Meyer, Zeitschrift fur deutsche Wort- 
forschung, 1, p. 3 f - 

132 1. It is difficult exactly to determine the meaning of this verse. 
It seems unnatural for Nathan to cherish any matrimonial project so 
early, or even earlier (1. 1 165). But so the Templar understood 
him (1. 2730 f.) and verses 1388-89 seem to point in the same direction. 

Sittah's plot is about to be carried out. A messenger must have 
been sent after Al Han's departure. Act 11, Sc. 3. 

1343. Saladin has been called, in Lessing's own words, "th^ 



306 NATHAN DER WEISE [ 1346 

poetic ideal of the real character ascribed by history to the man bear- 
ing that name." Majestic greatness, magnanimity, liberality find 
their counterpart in almost ascetic frugality in his personal habits; and 
his tenderness as shown to his kin and his friends are historical, as 
well as his warlike savagery and cruelty, which are also mentioned in 
the play. His tolerance alone is much idealized. He saw his call- 
ing in fighting relentlessly against the enemies of the prophet, and it 
is related that a philosopher who ventured too far in heterodox specu- 
lation was without much ado seized and strangled. His humaneness 
and his religiosity were never reconciled in him. In liberality Walther 
von der Vogelweide sets him up as a model for German princes, 
especially for Philip : 

"Denk an den milten Salatin : 

der jach daz kiineges hende diirkel solten sin : 

so wurden sie erforht und ouch geminnet." 

1346. £yaVUn$ sounds biblical. In the Bible fpctrett is used in 
the sense of the more modern fcfyonett. 

1349. Cp. 1. 3075. 

1350 f. VCVanbCVt. Cp. the interview with Al Hafi, partic- 
ularly 1. 439 f. 

1367. ttadl Weffen ttHUett* The Templar elaborates on this 
thought, with evident sophistry, 1. 2135 f. 

1369. Zluf iEtld} fommen, to mention you. 

1374. The Templar starts to give his real name, but changes his 
mind, and gives the name later adopted ; for reasons which will be- 
come clear later. With what justice he uses the new name, is indi- 
cated in 1. 1378, where the same man is first called 0fyetm, and then 
Dater. 

1378. f&uleit* A rude expression, when used of the dead; the 
motive of the Templar for choosing it is not apparent ; he is naturally 
not so vulgar. 

1386. ^iurtbfdjaft* Now commonly BeFanntfcfyaft. 

1388 f. 3ft e© bOCfy, etc. That indicates that Nathan is not well 
pleased with the discovery which he is about to make ; that he had 
plans even at this early date, which were threatened by the family 
relations of the Templar. 

1391. Cp. 1. 3787. 

1403. Da» $ZV} btiicf en* Probably made in analogy to etoas 
cmf bem fyv$<>n baben, fcfytper was auf bem I?er3en tyaben. 

1405. mir XV ill. Possibly due to French influence : commonly 
tPoIIen is constructed with POTt and the dative 



I4Q5 ] NOTES 307 

1413. In view of 11. 1388 and 1389 we can hardly assume that 
Nathan thought definitely of matrimony between Recha and the Tem- 
plar. But he hoped that the Templar would either as her husband 
or as her brother affect the life of Recha, and, restoring her nominally 
to her faith, would appease Daja's conscience. 

1416. £efdjei5en^eit* Cp. 1. 958. 

1418. CtttltlCTU commonly takes art and accusative. 

Al Han" does not know that a messenger from Saladin had been sent 
to Nathan before him, and when he learns of the fact, he thinks Nathan 
knows for what purpose Saladin wants him. 

1434. Cp. 1. 45°- 

1436. <£itt H&Cftet\ Here, a man without any baggage. 

1445. attr^O^Ien Ms any Me 3 e ^ en means to drain com- 
pletely. From Sebastian Frank's Collection of Proverbs Lessing noted 
the colloquial expression „f}ofyl bis an bte §eben." 

1447. DCV ttfCtfert HTIlbe* Probably possessive genitive. It 
might possibly be taken as a dative, in which case it would mean 
that to wise charity Nathan would never refuse a loan. 

1449. Me ein^efcomen 2t!&UStein must mean the persons 
having the first right to Nathan's charity. 

1459. t>erloren is to be taken both with „glaubte" and „ge= 
qeben fycttte." 

1463. butfte, in its older meaning, = brcmcfytc, i.e. he had 
only to move his king close to the pawn to avoid her check. 

1466. X)ettTt, etc. By moving the king, as stated above, the 
castle gained room to move. "Roche — Cttrm ; from Persian rukh, 
an elephant with a turret, from which also English rook. 

1470. in ^(lumpen = iiber ben Banfen. In this scene, just 
as in 1, 3, Nathan speaks in a light tone with Al Hafi ; cp. Intro- 
duction, § 68. 

1474. taubt Huff, Hu§ ofyrte Kern, a trifle. 

<5clb t}in, (Belfc fyer = <Seib tft bas toemgfte. 

1483. idimut;£en 2Hc>t}retu „Scr>mufetger <&e\$" is a common 

combination ; also, less common, „fcr;rrmt3tg ^et^ic}", very stingy. Hence 
here fcfymut^g = stingy. 

1489. Cp. Note to 1. 376. 

1491. T>as IPerffeu^ fcetber, i. e. \<b brcmcfye micb 311 fetrtem 
von betbert, tt?eber 311m Setteht nodq 3um 23orgen, a Is tPerr^eug 
braucfyen laffert. 

1495. ifyttt* Dative of interest, piunber = rubbish. Money has 
no inherent value for Al Hafi ; cp. I. 910 f. 



308 NATHAN DER WEISE [ 1497 

1497. plcttfevei, annoyance. 

1498. fC^aff = nerfcfyaffe. T)CU. In a letter to his brother 
Lessing says: „Z)eIf, tcelcfyes im 2Irctbifd/en ber Hamc bes Kittels 
ernes Derttufcfy tft." 

1499-1500. ^djte, bltefc\ Polite subj., *.<? it is time enough to 
go to the desert, when I am really deprived of all of my possessions. 

1505. MitfetU Here probably in the modern sense, hence, Tttcfyt 
biirfert = to be prevented ; cp. 1. 15 18. 

1506. ^iltall nub ^&U, suddenly; a term taken from hunting in 
which the report and the fall seem simultaneous, tfym. In M. H. G. 
and later, cases of the personal pronoun were used for the reflexive of 
the third person in the dative. 

1507. anfcret* &il<XX>\ An older, and in poetry still common 
construction for a Is Sflane anberer. Cp. Schiller's Don Carlos: 

,,T>as 3abrt]unbert 
3fi meinem 3beal nidjt reif. 3d) Icbe 
<£in Burger berer, weld}? t ommen tnerben. " in, 10. 

1510. felbft fcas Deitte fcericfjtt^eru The felbft is not 

meant to indicate that Al Hafi, and no other, is expected to settle his 
accounts, but rather, that in doing so he himself will be detained, just 
as Nathan needs time to settle his business with the sultan. 

15 15. Cp. l-456f. 

15 19. ttOCfy fo txtlfc., ever so soon; nod? fo is common in con- 
cessive and other subordinate clauses, rare as used here: r/ tPdi]renb 
ber nodo fo fu^en ^rift." „tpemt er mid? aud? nocfy'fo fefjr bitten 
follte." ' 

1524. er, i.e. ber 21ugenblicf. 

1525. In M. H. G. a genitive of cause was common with inter- 
jections. It is now confined to poetic diction. Prose : liber, etc. 

1544. 23ilfc must be stressed, being in contrast with the realities 
within Recha's reach. 

1547. SlCfy f pCVVCU = to resist, be obstinate. 

1548. Isaiah, lv, 8 : „Derm meine (Sebcmfen finb tttcfyt eure <Se= 
bemfen, unb eure XX)ege ftnb nicfyt meine VOzq,z." 

1556. U)em ei^nct (Bott (uncommon) = tr>em gefyort (Sort a Is 

befonberes (Sigentum ? — Recha, the too apt pupil of her father, had 
made God a mere intellectual abstraction. Cut off the imagery to 
which a devout heart, not only of the unlearned, resorts in its con- 
templation of the divine being, and all the rich sources of religious 
art, and of many spontaneous, and by no means entirely worthless ex- 
pressions of religious devotion are at once clogged. And yet Daja's 



i6i7 ] NOTES 3°9 

faith was indeed too much burdened by flowers, i.e. fruitless form- 
alism. 

1562. itUtnet*, i.e. Daja had repeatedly touched upon this sub- 
ject. The infinitives PO^ufptegeht and mtfcfyen are grammatically 
justifiable if we supply an ellipsis which easily suggests itself: VOas 
that er bir, baft bu (Srunb 511 fyabert glaubft, etc. 

1564. Cp. Matt., xiii, 24 f. 

1577. fUJCfylCt^ettj to be of benefit, to be conducive to one's well- 



1582. XVznn idt nuv refcen fciirfte! if she could speak, 

she would point out in her way the dealings of Providence, intended 
to draw Recha and the Templar to the Savior ; cp. 1. 2280 f. Recha 
does not grasp the hidden meaning in Daja's words. 

1588 f. See Appendix. 

1589. See Appendix. Just what Nathan means by this ,,tDabrtert 
liber (Soft" is not easily determined. We know that love, filial de- 
votion, not fear of the law, characterizes his relation to God, who is 
to him a father in the Christian sense far more than the lord and 
judge of Judaism. Again, we have seen how he extirpated Recha's 
angel fancy and held decided opinions concerning the providential dis- 
pensations of God. And so his ,,V0abmn iiber <5ott" must have 
reference to less essential things. Probably the phrase means the 
same as Lessing's assertion in other connections : ,,3cfy babe nod) tm= 
mer bte beftert Cbrtftert miter bertert gefunbert, bte port ber Cfyeologte 
am rperttgftcn Perftanbcrt." In these verses Schiller found the entire 
spiritual content of Nathan expressed. 

1594. It is worth while to take due notice of these lines, in view 
of the general total lack of appreciation for Daja. 

1600. ofc <xud> er ♦ ♦ ♦ Probably : fret berth true mctrt Dafer, 
ober, rote fort etrtem Cempelberrn rpobl 311 errpartert mare, bctrte 
2Irtficbtert tetlt. 

1604. ft loft is really to be taken with the preceding infinitive. 
U rt b b cfy — the ellipsis is clear from Recha's answer ; probably : 
bfetbfs mtr jetjt rttcbt crfpart. 

1610. mir ttid>ts, bir nicftts — obrte rpetteres. Recha re- 
iterates what the Templar had said to Daja. Cp. 1. 1623 f. 

1614. fo tr>ie em £unfen any jetnem VTianUl might in- 
dicate that to Daja also, the Templar had mentioned the ^garft'gen 
^lecf" (1. 1243). urtgef abr = port urtgef abr. 

1617. ^erCUiSJCbmtft* Commentators generally find this word 
vulgar and excuse it in Recha's mouth as a quotation. It is vulgar 



310 NATHAN DER WEISE [ 1618 

in its origin, but, like many other words, has lost every objectionable 
tinge, at least in North Germany ; not so in the South. 

1618. 3tt &UVCpa. Not that wine acts differently in Asia, but 
the Templar, with whom these words originated, had probably been 
impressed with the abstinence enjoined upon the Mohammedans by the 
Koran. 

162 1. }U$eIet*ttt£* Since the sixteenth century lernen occasion- 
ally occurs in the sense of lebrert. Similar confusion in English 
between teach and learn; cp. also the English participle 'learned,' 
going back to the older use of the word learn. 

1625. eilten libel anlaffen* The origin of this phrase has 
not been explained; the meaning is "to treat one harshly." It is not 
often used at present. 

1627. 9&S J>ief? ficfy, etc. That was taking too cruel revenge. 

1633. He had been unwilling to share his trouble with any one, 
but ready to risk his life even for a stranger. Cp. 1, 12 15. 

1636. Cp. Introduction, § 74, b, 1. 

1641. Stage direction: Dergleicfyen, i.e. paufe, tmter ber er 
in 2Infd?cmung ifyrer fid? trne t?erliert, plainly not she was staring at 
him, as some explain, but his eye was fixed on her. This is evident 
from the remainder of the stage direction as well as from the surprised 
Hun, and v. 1643-44. fciirft = tpdre es cmd? nottg. 

1646. folltet jeitt $ett>efem This somewhat unusual con- 
struction instead of tPO 3fyr nid?t fyatttt fein follen, is probably oc- 
casioned by the form of the Templar's answer : IPO id? nid?t folltc 
fein. Colloquially the construction is occasionally found ; in M. H. G. 
and earlier in N. H. G. it was common. The Templar's answer has 
reference to his vows. 

1655. Notice the dash at the end of the verse, denoting also 
Recha's confusion. The meaningless question said merely for the 
sake of saying something, was probably suggested to Lessing by a 
passage from Breuning von Buchenbach's Oriental yourney. It is 
there related that the descent from Sinai in a specific instance, was 
more difficult than the ascent, owing to the fact that in ascending a 
party made use of more or less regular steps, while they descended 
on the other side of the mountain, down the rough slope. 

1670 f. Every commentator seems to have his own interpretation 
for the verses. Niemeyer thinks it is Recha's roguishness (Sd?alF= 
beit) that appears in what she says or does not say. Peters thinks 
it is Recha's deistic, liberal views. Buchheim : "Her lofty mind and 
<ieep intelligence." Primer practically agrees with Buchheim. He 



1759] NOTES 311 

overlooks in his interpretation the dash at the end of 1655. Buschmann, 
Brandt and Ammer : "Her affection for him." The Templar would 
be less likely „unter einer paufe in 2Infd?auung ifyrer fid? one 311 
Dedierert" (1. 1640, stage direction), if he were to be assured merely 
of her intellectual superiority ; nor would, with this assumption, the 
words „3cfy bin — tpo xcq tnelleicr/t nxdqt follte fein" have much 
point. I should understand the lines to mean that Recha by her be- 
havior tells the Templar how modest, how genuinely w r omanly, how 
sensible withal she is ; speaking through her silence what the Templar 
had heard from Nathan's words, — that she is surpassingly lovely. 
We must not leave out of consideration that Nathan had said his 
„Kennt fie nur erft," before he had heard the Templar's name. He 
would then, no doubt, have welcomed him as a suitor; but cp. 11. 1167, 
1388 and 1680 f. The significance of the Templar's strange conduct 
Daja points out in the next scene. 

1694. CITt? Ottt men* What is troubling, distw'bing him? 

1699. VLUXI i)Vs an QZnd>. Now it's your turn. 

1706 f. Daja thinks that Recha' s composure is due to the assurance 
that the Templar loves her and is greatly agitated on her account. 
Most commentators see in this scene a sudden change in Recha's feel- 
ing for the Templar, clearly for the purpose of reconciling themselves 
with the final outcome. She herself, quite like one of Lessing's 
female characters, asserts she finds no less delight in seeing a beloved 
object with some composure. Cp. Introduction, § 74. 

1 7 14. tifyutU Most editors substitute, with Lachmann, Con for 
dfyun. (Einitt has here probably the meaning which it has often in 
Low German, viz. the whole behavior and bearing of a man. 

1733. Nathan had been somewhat delayed by the Templar and Al 
Hafi. See Act 11, Sc. 6-9. But it seems quite characteristic of him 
not to hasten. 

!735- Sdjttfefter! Scbttfefter! Not so much expressive of 
reproach as of apprehensiveness, as appears from Sittah's reply. 

1736. t>orfte^en, for the more common becorfteben. 

1738. ftetten, in the sense of rerftellen. Cp. er ftellt fiefy, als ob 

er IDafyrfyeit tDotlte. fcefor$en iaffeit, make apprehensive, in- 
timidate; any (Btattets fiifyren, to lead one into slippery 
places. 

1743. Ctfcban^ett, A word made for the occasion = extort. 

1755. Sd\On Uttfer, OfytC Sctjltlt^e. Rather optimistic, in 
view of 1. 440 ff. 

1759. Me Hefye vovbei — . Commonly, an ben Ziehen fid? oor« 



312 NATHAN DER WEISE [ 1771 

bet IP tnben. The construction with the simple accusative may be of 
Low German origin, where it is common. 
1771. ZvaUXl, indeed. 

1774. befefyonen* Commonly befefyontgen. 

1775. Read: „befor9 id? ttur'' as a parenthetic expression, and 
the order is normal. 

1779. 3^? tCM^C, as if he were a trained bear. 

1780. Hub t$UUt\ He whould prefer to have even less apti- 
tude for his task. 

1786. Cp. Lessing's Fable of the Lion and the Ass. The Lion and 
the ass were hunting together, it being the task of the latter to stir up' 
the animals by his horrible voice. A crow taunted the lion with his dis- 
reputable company. But the lion answered : If I can make use of 
any one, I can well afford to grant him a place at my side. 

1794. beftef}TU Used regularly of examinations ; here quite ap- 
propriately in view of 1. 1790. 

1798. Die bleibe beinem $t\Ubt\ Die, demonstrative pro- 
noun, i. e. fear. ' 

1799. Dtt ttennft bidl Ztatfyan may mean : You call your- 
self and you are called, hence Nathan's answer. 

1800. Lessing wrote : IDofyl I ttennft bu bid? ntd?t ; nennt bid? 
bets Do If. Every school edition, so far as I have seen, has changed 
the semicolon to a comma, and thus made a conditional clause of the 
two elliptical clauses. Saladin means : Of course; you do not call 
yourself "the Wise"/ but the people do. * 

1803. Cp. 1. 107 1. 

1805 f. Cp. 442. If in the estimation of the people shrewd and 
wise, ,,flll9 unb tpetfe/' were the same, and he only is shrewd who can 
enhance his real advantage, then the most selfish would be at the same 
time the most shrewd and the most wise ; because, thinking only of 
his real advantage, he could never enrich himself at the expense 
of others, but in enhancing his own happiness he would necessarily 
also bless his fellow-men, provided, of course, that they too are able to 
distinguish real from imaginary blessings. See Appendix for Lessing's 
conception of happiness. 

1811. ttXlS bU WXbevtyVCdlCU ttUllft, i.e. that the people 
were right in calling him "the Wise." trnberfprecfyen now governs 
the dative ; in M. H. G. frequently the accusative. 

1819. tVOdCUC VcVUUUft, sober, plain reason. efeltt, is 
disgusting. 

1822. Nathan acts as if he supposed the Sultan wished to buy 



1889] NOTES 313 

of his goods. Saladin's admonition: ,,au f r i cb t i 9" justified him in 
his assumption, in spite of Al Han's warning, 

1827. Scfy&cfyCVM = to barter, to drive a shrewd bargain; applied 
to Jews particularly. This rather harsh term is chosen as a thrust 
for Sittah, supposed to be listening. 

1835. any tttvas gefteneri jeitt, to aim at. Lessing uses 
the phrase repeatedly in his writings. 

1837. ijeifdjen = forbcm. Unterridjt = 2Iusfunft* 

1842. See Appendix. 

1845, See Appendix. 

1852. Me tbatjl face, object of nnflett); Me (ace, object of 
befttmmt [baben]); Mefe (5rtinfce, nom., subject. 

1855. XV&Q)t mid* mtt fcem llU$e. Contamination of two 
expressions : auf ber Banb roagett, and mtt bem 2Iuge meffett or 
muftern ; resulting phrase : mtt bem 2Iuge trudgen. Nathan had 
several reasons for being surprised. Saladin seems to have some ap- 
preciation of the truth and the value of truth, and yet confesses 
that he has not found time to think about it and is ready to 
receive it on Nathan's recommendation, instead of working for it 
himself. 

1868. h<XV, bidUly often applied to coins: cash and bright; refer- 
ring here to truth, better probably : sharp and clear. 

1873. b&Vj = braucbt ; i.e. modern coin is taken at sight, at its 
face value. Earlier, money was weighed, and its content, not its face, 
determined its value. So it must be with truth. It cannot be trans- 
ferred from one to the other without effort. 

1874. in Sa&, for tn'n Sad, for in ben Bad. 

1875. See Appendix. 3ubc, i.e. the man eager to acquire some- 
thing -without giving any equivalent. 

1881. HTit ^er St>iire fO in* $<XUS<, to blunder out, to ask 
abruptly. Nathan was unknown to Saladin. and it was surely strange 
that the Sultan demanded his opinion on matters so important without 
first finding out whether his views were worth listening to. 

1885. StOCfill^e, fanatic Jew. 

1888. Da5 tt>ar ? S ! Referring to a plan which he had just then 
conceived. 

1889. See Appendix, afrfpetjett, to satisfy one in the easiest 
way possible, as a child is appeased with almost any kind of food. 

Cp. Friedrich Paulsen's Kant's Verhaltnis zur Metaphysik. Vaihin- 
ger's Kantstudien, iv, p. 413 ff; also Brigg's "Christianity," Popular 
Science Monthly, February, 1900, on this whole scene. 



3U NATHAN DER WEISE [1891 

189 1, bas $tlb rein, the coast clear, i.e. Sittah is not lis- 
tening. 

1892. 3u Hanfce = 311 <£nbc. 

1900. 3ct ! 2<X I More than likely, Lessing had here in mind 
the repeated demand of Goeze to reveal the name of the Fragmentist. 
He persistently answered, the name of the author had nothing to do 
with the contents of his work, and, he being dead, there was no call 
for exposing his relatives to the hatred of fanatics. See Appendix, 
11. 1900 and 2546. 

1901. Lessing has the following note from Marin, II, 120 : ,, Hitter 
ben (Etteln, beren fid? Salabtn bebiente, wax aucfy „£efferer ber 
Welt unb bes (Sefe^es." 

1911. Vox grauert 3at|ren, long, long ago. — <Srau being 

synonymous with alt, it is used figuratively for periods long since 
passed. We speak also of „graue, nebelfyafte ^erne/' where ,,grau" 
evidently is expressive of the indistinctness due to long distance. 
Possibly it might have been transferred from local to temporal relations, 
as in case of so many other adverbs. — 3 n Often, now tm (Dfterto 
See Introduction, §§ 49-54, for a discussion of the parable. 

1914. f pidtC : in which a hundred beautiful colors were blended. 

1933. fid? entbrecfyen, see 1. 1293. 

1936. et*$ieften& ^Crj; ordinarily used with a reflexive pro- 
noun ; overflowing with love. 

1945. in ge^ettn, now either tm (Sefjeimen or trtsgebetm. 

1949. VoUtOXnmen $leidj* To my knowledge, no one has 
ever laid "any stress on these words. And yet they seem clearly in- 
tended to be stressed. If the new rings were Pollfommen gletcfy, 
in every way like the original ring, they must also have had the same 
secret virtue, for the father at least. Hence the version of Boccaccio, 
according to which the ring could hardly be distinguished by the 
father, was changed, and the ring could not be distinguished. And 
now the father can ,,frofy tmb frcubtg" give to each one of his sons 
a ring. True religion is something depending on the growth of the 
individual, on his conscious effort. Hence, to speak with Hebler, "the 
wise father, in one sense, did not bequeath the genuine ring at all, 
because he could not bequeath it, because that which made the ring 
genuine and gave it its secret power can not be transferred and be- 
queathed. Nevertheless he gave to each of his sons a ring, because 
he knew that it would be helpful to the owner in gaining, by earnest 
effort, the genuine ring. And so the judge, afterwards, appropriately 
admonishes the sons that each should consider his ring an incentive 






2087 ] NOTES 3 1 5 

for striving to realize through their own efforts the promise attached 
to the genuine ring." 

1957. The curt ttHt*fc 1 £ has ordinarily a tinge of impatience, 
which would here be quite inappropriate in view of the repetition of 
the ,,t]ore/' and after the „1tUt" in the imperative sentence ; this tinge 
must on that account be obviated by the tone in which the word 
is read. 

1973. See *• I2 7 6 - Speife UTtfc Zvani refer to the limitations 
placed upon the Jews and the Mohammedans regarding certain foods 
and drinks. 

1974. See Appendix. 

1978. Cp. 11. 1845-48. Nathan has reference to the ceremonial 
rather than to the essentials of religion. With regard to these, he 
would surely agree with Saladin. Cp. also verses 3538-40. 

1983-84. Possibly Nathan thought of the deception he had been 
obliged to practice upon Recha. Cp. 1. 3325 f. 

2006. fcefeifyCTt, accuse. Now commonly 3etfyett. 

2019-25. The dash in this and the following line, and the indicated 
confusion of the brothers at the question of the judge, point to the 
fact that the practical side of their religion had been quite forgotten, 
that for them the rings were indeed all false. They had based their 
claims on the visible signs, not on the secret virtue of their posses- 
sions. See Appendix, 1. 2025. 

2053. Sprecfyen = Hecbt fprecfyen, judge. 

2060. Saladin had been so impressed by Nathan's parable that he 
for some time apparently forgot the purpose for which he had called 
him. And now, when reminded by Nathan's question, he is ashamed 
to make even a request for money. 

2061. f[<ittC, potential subjunctive : And is there no other busi- 
ness, possibly ? 

2070. voo 5amtt t>tn — wo id} bamtt bin foil. 
2077. freievMn$S, made in analogy with allerbtngs, fcblecfyter= 
btngs, platterbtngs. Of your own accord. — (Eitt 2IrgtDobn? 

Feigned surprise. Cp. 1. 1876 ff. 

2081. Hit midl fud?eit ? in analogy with 3^? fabe em 2ht= 
fucfyen, erne Stttc, an bid}. Ordinarily, urn extras bet etnem an? 
fud?en. 

2085. pOft = poftett, 'a sum of money intended for some definite 
purpose ' ; here debt, obligation. Cp. 1. 1233 ff. 

2087. Notice that Saladin regards the Templars as his worst 
enemies. 



3l6 NATHAN DER WEISE [2090 

2090. fpctren, cp. 1. 1346, also 1. 1361. 

2094. fiir tfyn goes with (Snabe: <5nabe fur tfyn. 

2095. Cp. 11. 90, 1347-48 ; also 1. 1217. 

2101. bCU fie nicfyt $ct<XXint. It is worth while, possibly, to 
note a little inconsistency. The brother left Saladin, probably but a 
few years before Recha's birth. In 1. 3524 Sittah states she might 
almost be Recha's mother ; here we learn that she did not know her 
brother. Cp. 11. 251 and 2971. 

2103. (Befcar fie aucfy fdion Mofte Cettenfdjaft* A con- 
cessive clause, admitting that the real goodness or merit in saving the 
Templar's life is of little consequence, because the deed was the result 
of mere impulse. Cp. Appendix, 1. 867. 

21 1 1. (Dj>fet*tiet*j victim, a significant appellation. The Templar 
had, against his will, been drawn into his present difficulty. Take 
notice of the dashes in this monologue. 

2 1 13. VOX tie VXly to scent; to have a premonition ; to divine. 

2 1 16. We should now place a comma after the Ttlltt, impor- 
tant in this case. Lessing almost always omits the comma after 
nun. 

21 17. Notice the tense of the verb: mar gefallen. Ordinarily 
we should have the preterite. The pluperfect may be intended to in- 
dicate that the blow had been dealt, before the victim had time to 
think of his safety. Ctusbeugen, more correct form ausbtegen. 
beugen is really a factitive verb = btcgen macfyen, from the same stem 
as btegen. 

2119-20. Cp. Introduction, pp. 65 f. The lines have ordinarily been 
interpreted as meaning that the Templar had avoided Recha, because 
he despised her as a common Jewess, as he at first pretended, 
especially to Daja ; a number of passages, mentioned in the Introduc- 
tion, make it much more plausible that he refused to "submit to the 
blow," because he was in love with Recha from the first moment he 
saw her, and tried to avoid the danger threatening his vows. 

2123. 'dfy&t and litt are in a sense opposites. fLtyat, action; 
1 1 1 1, etc. , / was passive, did not attempt to act, hence cannot speak of 
resolution. litt' and Ittte are not subjunctives, as the final C would 
now indicate. Even in M. H. G. some strong preterites took a final t 
in the first and third singular indicative by analogy to weak preterites. 
Probably the most common instance is fafye for fafy, though Lessing, as 
well as Schiller and Goethe, has also a number of other similar forms, 
fcfytene, 1. 2773, might be taken for one ; it might, however, possibly 
be meant for an optative subjunctive. 



2163 ] NOTES 317 

2124. D&S <5ef tit|l* Notice the nice use of words : incapable 
of any resolution, the Templar was conscious of a deep feeling only e 

2125. Utt fie t>erftrtctt — VCYXVCbt, to be intertwined, in- 

terwoven with her. 

2130, fveilicfr has concessive force : to be sure. Templars took 
the three vows of poverty, obedience, and celibacy. 

2132. QCloht, in this verse participle of geloben, to promise, to 
vozu ; in the next of 1 b e TT, to praise. I see no way of imitating 
the play on the word in English. — It is worth while noticing that 
the Templar explicitly states that he had rid himself of other prejudices, 
one of which was that against other creeds. Cp. 1. 1295, and Intro- 
duction, § 74, b, 2. brum anticipates the following verse. 

2135. WllL What does my order amount to? 

2136. i^m = memem (Drben. He was dead to his order, be- 
cause to be captured by Saladin was synonymous with being dead. — 
His sophistry and its purpose are apparent. 

2142. VCitCVli&lZn ^immet, paternal sky. The first indication 
that the Templar was aware of his Oriental parentage. The following 
lines show that they had talked quite plainly to the young man about 
his father's affairs. Why should they not have mentioned his sister 
also? Cp. Introduction, § 74, a. 

2148. (Befa^r iailfert, cp. English run the risk; both probably 
due to French influence : courir risque. — It is not clear on what 
ground the Templar could say of himself that he was merely in danger of 
stumbling, where his father fell, unless ftraucfyeltt is here to be 
taken as equivalent to f a 1 1 C TI. It is frequently used in very nearly 
the same sense, especially with figurative significance. But cp. 
1. 2175, note. 

2154. TltC^t* is here to be considered an adverb, in view of the 
punctuation : his encourage?7ient rather than his approval can not fail 
me. Cp. 11. 1321-22. 

2156. Implicitly the Templar states here that Nathan is not merely 
a Jew, but something more. 

2157. (jliifyt fyeit're ^reube, commonly: gliifyt vox fyettercr 
^reube. 

2163. fte^t feineil Hllbm, is equal to his reputation. The 
phrase is probably formed in analogy with fctrten XTTcmrt ftebett. This 
construction has not been satisfactorily explained. It should not be 
confused with fetnem VTiann ftefjen. There is another phrase, 
metrtCTI ITtarm ftetlert, i.e. to be the man for any given task. 
ftefyert, particularly in early N. H. G., sometimes had the meaning of 



318 NATHAN DER WEISE [2166 

ftellen and the construction may originate here. — Hebe ftefyen, 
1. 2567, is of different origin. A kindred form is 3Ur 'Rebt ftefyert, 
i.e. stand, for the sake of, for the purpose of a defense. "Rtbt, 

I. 2567, is probably an old genitive, denoting cause. 

2166. UTtfjefaumt, undelayed. fdumert was transitive in M.H.G. 
and even with Luther. The participial adverb must start from this 
meaning. 

2170. The word order due to poetic license. 

2175. Itte! Uiel Itie! — Could it be possible that this threefold 
„rtte/' spoken with consideration, as indicated by the dash after VO 1 1- 
betfefyen, expresses the sober judgment of the Templar, and that 
the conditional clause added is expressive, rather of his impulse, his 
feeling? In that case 1. 2149 would find its explanation, taking 
ftraucfyeltt in its ordinary signification. — 3Ur Ste lie = auf bzt 

Stelle. 

2178. 3un$er 2Ttann! 2179. £teber junger VTiannl 

2184. £teber, lieber ^reunb! The increasing tenderness in 
these appellations are to indicate to the Templar that Nathan loves 
him and does not wantonly refuse him. 

2181-82. &<Xnbcn, bonds; ^effelrt, fetters; notice the nice dis- 
tinction; also the pregnant signification of ITtettfcfy. Cp. 11. 1311-13, 
and note. 

2186-87. <Et UnntUdlUit — Clefce* Gratitude had smoothed 
the way upon which love was about to enter Recha's heart, and now, 
betbe (1. 2189), gratitude and love were waiting for the signal at 
which to melt into one. 

2192. €uern ei^enen <5cbanten. Cp. 11. 1310-13, and 

II. 1320-22. rerfennen may mean to mistake some 07te (1. 13 16) as 
well as to misconstrue, to deny something, the one without, the other 
with purpose. Here the latter. 

2198. tteufce^ier = Heugter(be). 

2202. A more common abbreviation for K OTt V(Xb is K1ITI3. 

2208. There is no apparent reason why the Templar should go so 
far in concealing his perfectly honorable origin, whereby he is surely 
taxing Nathan's liberality to the utmost, except his unwillingness to 
own that he had twice told half a truth, 11. 1374 and 2202. Lessing 
discusses the difference in meaning between 3 (X ft CI r b and 3 (X XI- 
fert in his Worterbuch zu Logau, L. M. vii, 1. 361. Baftctrb with 
him meant probably a child born in wedlock, but of a mother inferior 
in rank. BcmFert is a coarse term for an illegitimate child. 

2210. Sdjla$ = irtenfcfyettfcfyictg, race, tribe, Cp. the first speech 



2282] NOTES 319 

of Edmund in King Lear, I, 2 ; also Schiller's Jungfrau, the speech 
of Dunois, Bastard von Orleans, I, 2, end, v. 531 ff. 

2211. iEntlaftt midi immer meiner Hfynenprobe — 

Yet, nevertheless, release 7ne from giving a proof of ?ny ancestry, from 
producing my pedigree. The bitterness of the Templar exhibited in 
these verses is to be ascribed to the fact that he thinks Nathan has 
suddenly forgotten his noble sentiments of judging a man by his own 
merits. Hence he scornfully reminds him in the following verses that 
he is nothing but a common Jew. 

2214. StatrttttbCiUntj literally genealogical tree, hence 1. 2215 : 
Blatt vov(= fiir) Slatt. 

2229. Sdion mefyr ais $'nu$ refers to 1. 2226 f. 

2231. &<XU$t ni&lts, cp. 1. 3281. A bad state of affairs, if the 
human mind is absorbed, distracted, no matter with what. 

2233. Ctttf^efcuttfett, a figure taken from rising dough, suggested 
by the word t)oli ; i.e. the mind soon reduces to its proper shape what- 
ever in the storm of passion has assumed inordinate proportions ; here 
his love and the consequent irritation. This work of the mind begins 
(1. 2235) only to be rudely interrupted by Daja. 

2253. t>erftcfyert, old participial adverb, now ftcfyer or ftd?erltcfy. 

2256. <XhfV<XQCXly to find out by cross -questioning. 

2257. VZViVamt, see 1. 2248. 

2261. There are traces of the infinitive with the accusative, similar 
to the common usage in the classical languages, in the oldest stages of 
German as well as in Gothic, also in instances where classic influence 
is not probable. The construction practically died out, however, and 
instances in modern writers are probably attributable to classic ex- 
ample. „Von bem wit oft felbft nidjt unffen, ba$ wiv es \\abm." 

2266. ftdj (XUZ bem ZtcXUbC madjett, to escape suddenly; 
figure probably taken from fugitives escaping from the dust of battle. — 
jemctTtb fl^etl taffett, to desert some one. 

2271. (Beflattre, ordinarily (Seffcttter ; the form (Seffattre de- 
notes a more confused anxious fluttering, cp. a striking example from 
Immermann, Munchhausen : ,,Qas tft eud? ettt (Serutfd/e, (Sebrumme, 

(5epoltre, (Sebufele, (Sebubele, (Sefcfyrette, (Seunnfele unb em <Se= 
rumore burcfyemanber." Or Lessing's Emilia Galotti: tpo id? bas 
(Seqmefe, bas (Sefretfcfye fjorte." 

2276. ben itnfinn, i.e. ben ttnfirm 3U3tigeben; /' ll release you 

from admitting the madness. 

2282. VLXIS must be Recha ; and yet ber Klucje would be much 
more suitable for the Templar. 



320 NATHAN DER WEISE [2286 

2286. VCVfidlt = DorferjUTta,. The Templar would not admit a 
personal, direct interference of the Savior or God, in the affairs of 
men, but he believes that they have been wisely ordered by Prov- 
idence. 

2289. Das £anb bzv Wnnbtv. Das IDurtberbare is that 

which seems like a miracle to children, but would not be called a mir- 
acle by a thinking person. Cp. 1. 220 f. 

2297. tyier = this world; bott = yonder world; 'for time and 
eternity. ' 

2305. ffit tttuft Uidlt tttfiff en. Commentators have quibbled 
about this line as much as they have about 1. 385. — The first miiffert 
is used in an entirely different sense from the second. It would be 
more exact, but not more usual, to substitute for it follen, particularly 
in negative clauses. Cp. Storm's Immensee: ,,Dll muftt and) rttcfyt 
tmmer basfelbe er^dfylen" ; or, the common prohibition to children : 
„Du mugt mtr tttcfyt fortlaufen." Translate: U I do riot want him -to 
be forced." — „So mu§ er tPollett." "Then he must show himself 
willing, and even anxious:' Daja uses miiffert, just as we do must 
in the translation, in the sense of: ''it will be necessary for him"; 
she can thus combine miiffert and tpollert, owing to the condition im- 
plied in fo. The Templar disregards this fo, and hence calls atten- 
tion to the apparent contradiction. 

2308. Mefe Saitc i^m (= in tfym) anfcfyla^en: "1 tried 

to strike this chord in him." — The figure is kept up in the following 
lines: etrtfallett, chime in; ITCtftlaut, discordant note. 

2312. ^en Scfyattcn iVtm hlxdtcn taffen* We should now 

have two accusatives. In the eighteenth century Iaffcn ordinarily 
took an accusative subject with a dependent infinitive. Only in cases 
where an accusative object depended on the infinitive, as here, the 
subject was often changed to the dative, possibly due to French in- 
fluence. Cp. also 1. 3581. 

2320. Daft CV bC<ty, etc., elliptical. What a pity that, etc. 

2322. fUVf Xtnb $Ut = obrte UmfcfctPetf, without any ado. 

2327. CtXVCtB }U tferfdjttJei^en, viz.: his secret, and her own 
secret. 

2330. Whenever the Templar is vexed he verges dangerously near 
the vulgar ; so here. Converting a soul has frequently been called 
giving it birth for heaven. (Cp. Nicodemus' interview with Christ.) 
Hence the Templar's scornful congratulation as upon the physical birth 
of a child, and his other indelicate allusions. His bitterness is ex- 
plained in 1. 2338 : von (Surer ITT a d? e, of your making. 



241 1 ] NOTES 3 21 

2339. $0 (to be stressed) t>CVJte^t 3^5 ? Etc. If your scorn 
is directed against my particular type of Christianity, very well (|o 
mags gclten). 

2341. ?U XVtVbtn Perborfcen; characteristic testimony: Recha 
is too firmly established in her views ever to be converted to Christian- 
ity; happily she is a Christian against her will and wishes. 

2347. xvcinen macfyen = fyat meinen madden. 

2350. The first sign of the Templar's mean distrust of Nathan 
crops out in the fid?. 

2352. Now commonly als mas ^eborert ; als <£fyrtfttn, nicfyt als 
3Hbtn. The omission of als is now confined to poetry. 

2360. iEr^iefmrt^ dm* QtVltnz. Figure taken from a 
river : the trend or course of the heart. 

2361. laffen, now iiberlaffen. r>erlen!en = pervert. Cp. 

1. 3470, as to the Templar's zeal for Christianity. 

2366. Was mir ?u ttynn [gut t ft] ; or. = mas fiir mid? 311 
tbun ift. 

2374. ben lefcten Drud: bent Dtn^e: the final impulse to 

the affair, i.e. a union between the Templar and Recha. 

2 379- i^^tt> concessive : / must admit. 

2382. f auf^etVCt^ett: what he has seen fit to trust me with. 
The exact meaning of fo in this connection is hard to define, an 
approximate equivalent would be : I have not been very successful, if 
he has at any time seen fit to trtist me with missions of the kind. 
From this sentence the aucfy in the next is to be explained. It ex- 
presses the parallelism between cause and result, but has. in sentences 
of this kind, almost the force of an excuse. I have been unsuccessful: 
he also gives me unsuccessful things ; the implication : so I am 
blameless. 

2384. fein = sly. 

2385. Vlcis&lCn, tyanbctlCXX. Curiosity and forwardness such 
as the Patriarch expects of him are fit for children, hence the diminu- 
tives, expressive of disgust. 

2396. fCtU£t% disagreeable, hard. 

2397. VZVbunbtn fein^ to be obliged, [to do something). 

2400. JO VXinb VOU <Eud> UUef >t = refused flatly {squarely). 
2403. TtCtd>ttUt*f Ctt, a medical term, denoting : to have an after- 
effect, to work, to operate. 

2411. rrtit 5leijd> nnb Slut ertrogteru ^leifcb urtb Blut, 

the sordid, carnal nature, as used in the Bible. Cp. Matt, xvi, 17, 
and elsewhere. 



322 NATHAN DER WEISE [2412 

2412. XVXCbCV y i.e. not that he had offered his services once be- 
fore ; once he had refused his services, cut loose from the Patriarch; 
now he offers his services, is willing to establish his connection again. 

2423. pfttff(e) was originally the designation of any priest. 
Since the Reformation the word has been a term of reproach for 
priests ; no English word corresponds. Buchheim suggests monk, and 
for pfcifftfcfy, monkish. 

2427. fid? VCVQCilM, to err. The privilege of erring cannot 
be explained on the ground of the Jesuite principle that the end sanc- 
tifies the means, which would be applicable to the Templar as well as 
to the Patriarch. The Templar has reference to the doctrine of the 
infallibility of the church, and its ministers as its representatives. 
Cp. 1. 2481. The inconsistency in his own action the Templar indi- 
cates by saying that this infallibility is nothing enviable, and more 
clearly in 1. 3410. 

2432. A thoroughly vicious principle from an ethical view point ; 
sophistry on the part of the Templar. 

2435. partei == partetfad?e. 

2436. bVOi> = barob, poetic for batiiber, with regard to it, i.e. to 
religion. 

2438. ZKe £t<XHQC Vl&lttXl means to take the part of some 
one. The figure is taken from persons fighting with swords or some 
other weapon. Cp. Lessing in another place : n lX\x6q null id? mtr 
rttcfyt fyercmsnefymen, bet btefem Kampfe VOaxtzl (that is the officer, 
acting as arbiter between the combatants) 311 fettt VLXlb mettte Stattge 
bc^nnfcfyett 31a tperfett, tpetttt von ber etttett ober attbern Sette em 
gar 311 fyamtfcfyer unb unebler Stretcfy gefiibrt tpiirbe." IDirb's 
f© tDofyl red?t fettt: a reminiscence of Pope's "Whatever is, is 
right," which Lessing, years before, had proved to be thoroughly un- 
philosophic in his essay, Pope, ein Metaphy siker ? But cp. also Ap- 
pendix, 1. 2439. 

2441. The sudden resolve of the Templar to take advice from the 
Friar seems to indicate that he came not for peremptory command, but 
for honest advice ; and, yet, he had come to see the Patriarch (not 
the Friar) for the purpose of putting Nathan to the knife (1. 3394), 
and fully aware that the Patriarch was a scoundrel, 1. 341 1. It is 
worth while to notice the unsettled state of the Templar. Cp. note to 
1. 3512. 

2451. eitte? SOVQC, to that of his eternal salvation. 

2454 ff. The Patriarch of Jerusalem shortly before the time of our 
r>lay was Heraclius, notorious throughout the Orient and Europe for his 



2522] NOTES 323 

immorality and total lack of conscience. At the time of our play he 
was probably dead ; at all events he was not in Jerusalem, as Lcssing 
himself knew very well from Marin. He says. L. M. Ill, n 91 : ,,So 
bat bet patriarch Bcraflius gerrnfi itidjt in 3erufalem bleiben biir= 
fen, nacbbcm Salabtn es eingenommen. (Sleicbtnobl nabm tcb obne 
Bebenfen ibn bafclbft nocb an, unb bebaure nur, baft er in metttem 
StMe nod? bet rpettem fo fcbledn nicbt erfebeint, als in ber (Se= 
idncbte." — He could not very well retain all his worst features, if he 
was at all to remind of Goeze. See Appendix, 1. 2454. 

2455. M<f, rot, yveurtHlfr, stout, ruddy, -well-satisfied. 

2457. jicfr erbebett, indicative of the pretentious bombast of the 
Patriarch. The term is archaic, biblical ; cp. Matt. xix. 1. 

2459. Cp. 1. 990. 

2465-66. efcer ncfr, tvaz treni^et, Buchbeim. following a 

hint of Xiemeyer. thinks these lines are to indicate the Templar's pur- 
pose of leaving his order. If we are not to see a bit of society small 
talk in these words, they are difficult to explain. 

2469. fcltibtt Ultfc griinen* The Patriarch maintains the 
sermonizing tone throughout ; cp. Isaiah. XXVII, 6 : ,,<£s toirb bennod} 
ba^u fommen, ba^ 3 a ^°k tru^eln, unb Jsrael bliiben unb griincn 
rrnrb." 

2471. ^em retfen t\CXtZ : a reminder of the Templar's disobedi- 
ence; Act 1. Scene 5. 

2476 f. In the following verses virtually the whole quarrel about 
the Fragments is once more fought out. particularly in its more ob- 
jectionable features. See Appendix. 

2487. ttHllfut*, arbitrary dictates, free choice. See Appendix. 

2490. Bcvvlicbtcit fcer JnmmeU, i.e. God. 

2493. unjertt Hat: pluralis majestaticus. 

2494. £et BcvVi instead of the pronoun, was in the eighteenth 
century employed to show greater respect ; cp. 1. 541. It is still 
common in some parts of Germany. 

2495. ^ 1^*1 hortative ; let us suppose, or say. 

25 1 if. The demand of the Patriarch to know the name of the 
offender before passing any judgment on the offense is clearly a re- 
minder of Goeze's attitude in the quarrel about the Fragments. 
He, too, insisted on knowing the name of the author, and Les= 
sing, like the Templar, refused to comply with his wish. See 
Appendix. 

2516. See Appendix, 

2522. The mentioning of the theater — quite against Lessing's own 



324 NATHAN DER WEISE [2531 

advice in the Dratnaturgie, Article 42 — is an anachronism, in a sense. 
These lines again contain a thrust at Goeze. See Appendix. 

2531 f. See Appendix. ttttt, now: an. Possibly contamination 
with t?orne^men, regularly construed with mil. 

2537. About apostasy and heresy Lessing had his peculiar views, 
of which at the time of the publication of Nathan people were prob- 
ably reminded by these lines. See Appendix. 

2542. See Appendix. 

2544. (£vb<XVtWtC, preterite indicative, instead of pluperf. subj. ; 
cp. note to 1. 91. 

2552. See Appendix. 

2555 f. See Appendix. 

2560. Meferttfe^en, ordinarily bestpegen. 

2567. Hefce fte^en, see note to 1. 2163. 

2574. unferer aUerbeili^ften Heli^ion recalls the title 

of one of Goeze 's pamphlets : Etwas Vorlaiifiges gegen Les sings 
mitt elb are und unmittelbare feindselige Angriffe auf unsere alter heiligste 
Religion. 

2579. It is customary to recall, in connection with these verses, 
the "intolerant bigotry" of Goeze. who saw in religion, or rather in 
the Christian religion, an indispensable condition of all civic order. 
He was by no means alone in this view, and it may be of interest to 
his revilers to know that a man no less liberal than the philosopher 
Wolff was of the same opinion, and many others could be mentioned. 
See Appendix. 

2582. b(XVy = brcmcfyt. — As a matter of history, the articles of 
capitulation contained none oi the conditions alluded to by the 
Patriarch. 

2584. SetmOtt, rather contemptuous for prebtgt. 

2586. Notice the four dashes in this verse, indicative of the 
Patriarch's sudden fear and confusion, which is shown still more 
clearly in the following verses. 

2592. See Appendix. 

2600. 3rufcer Bonafifces = ber Klofterbruber. 

2602. X)es Z)itlQ2y indicative of Saladin's contempt of money; 
cp. 11. 910 and 1745. These were the purses sent by Nathan. 

2609. afynitvadcn, to extort. 

261 1. bas Hrmilt, now bte 2Irmut. The neuter was formerly 
used occasionally, if the noun was used in a collective sense. 

2612. As a matter of history, Saladin not only released pilgrims 
from the tax which he had the right to claim at the Holy Sepulcher, but 



2690] NOTES 325 

also gave alms to the poorer ones among them. Lessing's purpose in 
mentioning the fact is evident. 

2634. £Htefr WCQ, euphemistically used, particularly of sailors, 
for fterbeit J Saladin probably does not exactly mean to convey this 
idea (cp. 2636 f), but Sittah understands him thus. And in the next 
line he takes up her thought: "he never returned.'''' — "Never mind! 
sooner or later we all go and never return." 

2638. b<XZ 3^1 t>et*riicfen; literally, to misplace, to move the 
aim, the mark. — u It is not death alone that crosses the path of youths 
such as he was." 

2639. bcv Stdtffte erlie^t fcem Scfywadjften* Saladin 

had heard some rumor of his brother's fate, and alludes by the word 
bem ScfytPdcfyftert to the woman who conquered the strong young 
knight. 

2640. £?Ci ttue i^tlt feu The dative has crept into this con- 
struction probably from such expressions as mtr tft tpofyl ; and these 
in turn are probably formed by analogy with mtr tDtrb tDofyt, mtr 
iptrb ettt>as. 

2668. (BitttUftan* Lessing explained (StTUttfian to his brother 
as ^eenlattb = fairyland, and Dtt> as fee, fairy. 

2677. — ttUU IttCt^S ! Expressive of a sad resignation. The 
Templar would in every way pass as his brother, — if Saladin did not 
also see himself, and this tells him that he can not be the lost brother ; 
this reminds him of his loss. I should translate: "But, then — /" 

2680. es fufviebett* CS is really an old genitive, denoting the 
source or cause. It is now felt as an accusative. 

2684. UtU Htit* ; lim with the dative was rarely used even in 
the older stages of the language. Occasionally we find it down to 
the eighteenth century. 

2685. 3m tt>eif?en Mantel = as a Templar; tm 3amer= 

lottf, according to Lessing's note, „bctS tDCtge 0berfleib ber IXtabtX," 
i.e. as a Mohammedan. <L U I b a tt or dur ban ; $ 1 1 3 = £}Ut. 

2687. 3d} tyabC 1tte VCVl<X1X$t, etc. The lines have a deeper 
significance than is ordinarily ascribed to them. Differences of creed 
are not only something external in the eyes of Saladin, i.e. the Saladin 
of our play, but also a spontaneous growth, like the bark of a tree. See 
Appendix. 

2690. Saladin had compared men to trees : the Templar continues 
the figure ; Saladin was forced by circumstances to excel in valor, in 
the art of war ; by choice he would rather foster and cherish the 
trees (i.e. men) in God's orchard. 



326 NATHAN DER WEISE [2693 

2693. ffiilt WCVt, eitl 2Ttann, is a proverbial expression: a 
man must be, or is, as good as his word. — (Empfancje mefyr, etc. 
Saladin could deprive him of only a more or less aimless, half-hearted 
life : he now gives himself heart and soul. Cp. 1. 12 15 ; also 1. 730 
and notes. 

2704 f. The Templar is thinking of the apparent inconsistency in 
Nathan, who is wise and tolerant in w T ords, and bigoted in deed — 
according to Daja's revelation. 

2712. An apt characterization of the historical Saladin. 

2714. Cp. Minna von Barnhelm, II, I : „inan fprtcfyt feltert t>on 
ber Cugenb, bte mart l\ai, aber befto ofter von ber, bte tins 
fettli." " 

2715. iEs tttit jetHCtTlfc fj&bett, to be quarreling with some one. 
2721. The Templar had concluded from Daja's information that 

Nathan refused to give him Recha, because of religious prejudice. 
2726. Cp. 1. 1210 ; but also Introduction, § 74, b, I. 
2730-32. Cp. 1. 1320 f. 
2 73 7- ttttf ♦ ♦ ♦ Ijllt t relying upon. 

2740. ^ZfOpf, fool, blockhead. 

2741. Notice that the two id? are spaced. 
2743. plattcvbin$z = gerabe3ii, flatly. 

2755. ^ ne Templar calls all creeds Hfret*$Iaub£Tt, sttperstition, 
and compares them to chains. Cp. 1. 2182 and note; 1. 2434 f; 
1. 1979; 1. 3511. 

2762. Dent, demonstrative, = bem fetmgett ^berglauben, to one's 

own superstition. pertrauen, next line, = attcertrauen, intrust, 
co7nmit to. b 1 b Z = weak, in any part of the body, but it is now 
rarely used, except of eyes in this sense. He admits here that 
Nathan is sincere when he says, all creed differences are matters of 
little importance. But if humanity in its blindness cannot do without 
creeds, he is anxious to make converts for the very creed which he 
himself outgrew. 

2767. HusfrUTlfc, really the skein of wool which is tied on the 
outside of a package to indicate the quality of the whole. Owing to 
the depravity of the dealers, the best 23uTtb was placed on the outside 
(ails) \ hence anyone excelling in any way, more commonly now in 
bad qualities, is called 2Jusbuub. 

2769. fllCfyte* The L.-M. text has fudpe, which is probably a 
mistake. But see also the present subjunctive forme, 1. 2943, where 
the preterite subjunctive would be more natural. 

2772. f ornen — mtt Kornern locfen, to hold out as a bait, as 



2842] NOTES 327 

grain to birds. b e r e Tt, a sort of objective genitive ; more commonly, 
^offmmg cmf roelcfye. 

2773. fcfytene, cp. Note to 1. 2124. 

2776. VCVjCttdty literally, to scatter, as scraps of paper; hence, 
to get into wrong places, as loose slips of paper; here, an apostate 
Christian child. 

2777. WOVitC, not preterite indicative, but potential subjunctive. 

2779. toUtantC £d}tt>at?er, tolerant babbler ; cp. Act II, Sc. 5. 

2780. Cp. Matt, vii, 15. 

2783. Having just now so bitterly accused Nathan of being tolerant 
in words only, the word Cfyrift, spoken with admonishing emphasis, 
could hardly fail to gain the Templar's attention. 

2785. atlf , ♦ • freftefjeU, if the Jew and Mohammedan turn out 
Jew and Mohammedan. 

2787. Des VoVWUVfs Caft, which was, that he made himself 
guilty of the very crime which he had laid to Nathan's charge : that 
of forgetting the broader human interests over the prejudices of creed. 

2790. Qtnommcn = benommen. 

2793. ttlit CittCIU XVOVtC) i.e. in readily admitting his wrong, 
11. 2786-87. 

2795. fid} XU ICttlCtUb fitlben = to understand some one. 

2798. tt>eif en == raten. 

2799. ben Scfyttf&rmern fcetnes pofcels, to the vulgar 

Christian fanatics. It seems as if Saladin used the word pobel 
{rabble) to indicate that within a creed there is some room for noble- 
minded enthusiasm. 

2800. Cp. 1. 2570 f. and Note. 

2804. }Ut1t 1LV0t$ = to spite a Jew or a Mohammedan. 

28 1 1. Saladin means to say that this fear of the Templar, indi- 
cative of his appreciation of his wrong, and his regret, is a quality 
which he is quite willing to recognize as one of Assad's. 

2820. Cp. 1. 3268 ; 1. 1276 ; 1. 1973 f. 

2830. Sittah, somewhat shocked by the rather insidious and not 
altogether delicate suggestion of her brother, exclaims, ironically (and 
I should read it in a deep voice) Das macr/fi bll gut ! I should sub- 
stitute for it, or translate it, if you please, by : Well, I beg of you ! — 
Saladin seeks to hold his ground in the next lines. 

2833. eryidlt. 2Iuf ettPCtS erptd?t fetn, lit. to be held, attracted 
by something, as a bird to a trap in which it is held by pitch. 

2842. IPer, etc., i.e. the Templar; cp. 1. 2544 f; 1. 3243 f; as to 
the relative claims of Nathan and the Templar. 



32# NATHAN DER WEISE [2848 

2848. XHe liebe tlCllbe^ier = mere curiosity, common to my sex. 

2860. Sitftevftoffj silver -gray cloth. 

2861. Itod}* In early N. H. G. nod? was sometimes used to ex- 
press a double degree of some quality ; this use is now replaced by 
nod? etnmal : nod? etnmal fo gro§. In concessive clauses we have 
remnants of the old usage : es fet nod} fo fletn. By analogy with this 
use with adjectives, nod? is also used with nouns, as here, particularly 
with nouns having a pregnant signification : that I call a bridal robe, 
I tell you. 

2871. ttUfyelft, what are you driving at? — fimtbtlbem = 
to whose bridal dress do these learned allegories have reference ? 

2879. Steftenfadjert- Due to biblical influence, the number 
seven has always played an important part. tTTetne fteben Sad?en, 
or 5tebenfad?cn, with shift of stress, meant, possibly, all that I have, 
seven being the 'perfect number.' It is now applied to insignificant 
trifles. 

2881. JTicfyt t*iil}t* (XXI ! The verb is surely in the imperative, 
second singular, not the indicative, as many seem to suppose. I should 
supply : Htd?t riifyr an 1 fyet§t es bet mtr, or, mafynt mid? bas 
(Sennffen. 

2888. bodi eintnal, cp. l. 2. 

2891. tvivb ttnefcer, was fie ift, b. fy. erne (Ojrtfttn. 

2894. ^euevf O^Ien> cp. Rom. xii, 20. The situations here and 
in Romans are not quite parallel. Nathan is supposed to have caused 
himself pangs of conscience by his good deeds, while in Romans one 
having suffered an injury is to cause remorse in the offender by good 
deeds. 

2896. Die alte Ceier, etc. The figure cannot well be kept in 
English. Translate : Harping the same old tune ? Only on a new 
string ; but that is out of tune, and may snap. 

2904. W<XS tturfc er ttfOlien? Daja is as sure of the Friar's 
business as the Templar was ; cp. 1. 533. 

2919. attUOCfy, archaic for nod?; similarly alltPO, 1. 2942. 

2920. 3e TtU ; why, of course. 

2930. fUV Sufte, related to ba%, beffer, English belter ; hence 
really bettering. Let me give you, to make amends, etc. 

2936. QuCtV&Ttt&TtCtj according to tradition the mountain on 
which Christ, being tempted, fasted for forty days. It used to be oc- 
cupied by many hermits. 

2944. 3d} ftet}' <tttf H0l\lCUt I ai7i sitting on needles; on 
thorns. 



3009] NOTES 329 

2947. Sie^eict = (Etrtjtebelet, CHlf Sabot ; Mount Tabor on which 
Christ was transfigured. 

2955. 3ltS ®br jefcen, cp. the English colloquial to fid a flee 

in one's ear; to tell secretly, 

2961. Ohy for iibcr, archaic, and now used only in higher diction, 
and then more commonly with the dative. 

2963. Siinfce ttufcer ^en betT^en <5eijt, cp. Matt, xn, 31. 

A thrust at the fruitless controversies of the contemporary theologians; 
cp. also St. Mark ill. 29; St. Luke xii. 10. The tone of these verses, rather 
pungent, seems hardly in accord with the Friar as we have learned to 
know him. The sin against the Holy Ghost is generally understood 
to be the wilful resistance to well-recognized divme truth, — a resistance 
which, according to Lessing's view, is impossible ; cp. Appendix, 1. 2439. 

2979. (5(Xl(i)<X was an important commercial city in the land of 
the Philistines, between Damascus and Egypt. Parun was a hamlet 
near Gaza. 

2987. tPobl foit jt* — lotlft in the sense of "in other respects" 
will hardly do here. The word had another meaning in early 
N. H. G. ; „fo fdjOTt", which I should like to claim for it here; in 
1. 2885 the Friar expresses his regret for having lost his good master 
all too soon; L 2986: "soon afterward he fell at Ascalon. and. as it 
was, he was a dear, kind lord." — fortft, or "as it was" implying, 
that his untimely death made him all the more dear. 

2993. The dash at the end of the verse designates a pause, in 
which Nathan might have had time to answer. He is perplexed, 
hence the Friar's reassuring words in the next verses, fact's liebcr, etc.: 
You need not say she died ! 

2995. QUtt XVCQC fy&bCK : here there is no reason for any ap- 
prehension. 

2997 f. The argument of the friar is not very clear. See Appen- 
dix for a similar thought from an earlier work of Lessing : but- the 
situations are not quite parallel. In Alcibiades the good deeds of an 
ambitious (that is a selfish) man are judged. Does the Friar mean to 
cast doubt upon all good deeds which we perform, fully conscious oi 
their being good? Cp. Matt. XXV, 37 f. 

3007. JO frelobttet;, i.e. with the punishment threatened by the 
Patriarch. 

3008. eitt = CtnlcucbtCU, "I do not see the justice." 

3009. Hil$£V : notice that the Friar does not say mctfer. Klugbett 
in Nathan always implies more or less selfishness; cp. 11. 443; 1805 f, 
and the notes ; also 11. 3012-13. 



330 NATHAN DER WEISE [3024 

3024. See Appendix. 

3025. ^iirfpracfy = ordinarily ^iirfprecfyer, or possibly ^iir= 
fpred?. 

3032. ftomtne (Einfalt; cp. 1.3348 f. 

3039. <5&tfy used to be one of the cities of the Philistines, north- 
west of Jerusalem. That the crusaders were often cruel to the Jews 
as well as to the Mohammedans, is quite likely. Systematic persecu- 
tions in Europe were common enough, but I am unaware of any hav- 
ing been inaugurated by the crusaders in the Holy Land. 

3046. in Hfd}' UTtfc StCtufr = dust and ashes were a common 
sign of mourning among the Jews ; cp. Job, and also Jonah's mission 
to Nineveh. 

3048. VecfytCTt, really to call to account; ordinarily to find fault. 

3053. ttttb bO&l ift (&Ott\ i.e. in spite of this overwhelming 
trouble, God is, as I have always believed him to be, provident, wise, 
and kind. 

3055. it be j etc. The relation between theory and practice has 
often been dwelt on by Lessing. Cp. Appendix, 1. 35; 1. 360; 1. 867, 
first quotation. 

3059. 3d? will! ttHttft fcu nut, baft id? tviUl i.e. I can 

not form a resolution, if God does not permit me. Cp. 1. 385 and 
notes. — With regard to Nathan's action as described in the next 
lines, it is to be observed that the little girl was the daughter of a 
friend who had often shielded him from violence, not that of any 
enemy who had murdered his dear ones. On the other 'hand observe 
also that Nathan vowed to God : I will, before he knew what God 
might demand of him. 

3063. Det*$eff eil : not entirely : he knew who Recha's father 
was, and probably also her Christian name ; cp. 1. 3806. 

3065. Ctttfj here toward. 

3067 f. See Appendix. The Friar has some right to his words, as 
to the difference in the views of Judaism and those of Christianity ; 
cp. also Matt, v, 38-48. 

3069. fcctS m<X&lt <Eud} mit ?Uttt 3ufcett, i.e. they were one 
in the principle of love, by which they guided their lives ; but none 
the less Nathan saw no reason to abandon the faith of his fathers, 
and if the community of spirit induced the Friar to see in Nathan a 
Christian, the same made Nathan to see in him a Jew ; cp. the Intro- 
duction, § 55, as to the justice in this position. 

3077. icfy $et}Ot*d}e ! These words may well be called express- 
ive of the height of Nathan's virtue and character. Nowhere else 



3136] NOTES 331 

does his implicit faith in Providence so clearly manifest itself. See 
Appendix. 

3078. FlVM VOVLtnbz ! is evidently elliptical. It is probably 
best to supply muft id} (£ucr/ fiir etnen Cbriften fyalten. — bebacr/f 
id} mid} fo Dtel, / hesitated so long, — not because he was too stupid 
to find the proper words — there is method in his madness — but be- 
cause he knew what it must cost Nathan to act on any suggestion of 
this kind. 

3081. bCV Ct*ftC frefte = the first one coming along. The phrase 
has no doubt arisen from : ber erfte tfi ber befte, i.e. I want some thing 
or some man for any purpose, and am willing to forego all privilege 
of choosing ; hence ber erfte befte, just any one. 

3084. f Uttl mittften, older and correct form for 311m minbeften, 
now more usual. 

3088. al£ £?ip$>e VCVXVanbt, related in any other way. Sippe 
formerly could mean either a male or female relative ; so here. 

3093. fceffen, now besfeiben. 

3102. feller ^etr = deceased master. 

3104. t>et*jcfy&t*t*eu is ordinarily used of animals only. The 
friar wants to indicate that, owing to the needs of the hour, the funeral 
rites had to be neglected. 

3106. (Efyrtftenmenfcfy familiar for dfyrtft, Christian. 

3108. 3d} farm ttidjt lefetU The art of reading was, to be 
sure, quite rarely found among Christian knights of the time ; and 
yet this statement is significant in another direction. The only man 
who could lay just claim to being a Christian could not read. 
Cp. Appendix, 1. 2445. — Lessing transfers the good old German cus- 
tom of inscribing the names of a family in the family Bible to the 
Orient. 

3126. xvctil redjt = tr>ofyl mtt Hecfyt. 

3133. tticfyt fcet* patriarch* Nathan mentions the Patriarch 
repeatedly, in order to sound Daja. 

3135. Ifym tticfytS $eftecft? You did not whisper anything to 
him? The expression has a history. The messengers designated by 
the Holy Feme, the ancient secret tribunal, particularly in West- 
phalia, to announce to one accused his summons before the tribunal, 
had the right to fasten (ftecf en) this summons in a groove which they 
cut in a draw-bridge or some other accessible place, in case they could 
not obtain a personal interview. — A reminder of this custom is to be 
found also in the word Stecf brief. 

3136. ZHe &ottn, b. fy. von Sittafy 



33 2 NATHAN DER WEISE [3142 

3142. *}iii, bev ^empeifyerr ift fcrum* Before 1 know it, 

the Templar will have lost her. 

3145. The dash ending the preceding verse designates her hesita- 
tion. Hence, (S C t r ft ! encouraging herself : Nevermind! Cp. 1. 3151. 

3150. UTttet*tt>e$ettSj more commonly, in literary German at 
least, untermegs. 

21tCtlUClucf CIV, (stage direction) slaves, generally highly educated, 
and often of high parentage, on one side at least. 

3152. fcas ®Clb. Cp. 1. 2603. 

3155. Cp. 11. 452-53- 
3159. Ha^ira = Katro. 

3163. bCV $Uteit 3citUTl^^ genitive of cause; more common 
flit bte gute Hacfyrtcfyt. gettuttg in its older sense of the English 
tidings. — (Hun? nut fyer bamtt!) to be spoken aside; Well? 
hand it out! i.e. the customary fee, bets 23otetlbrot, of 1. 3166. 

3176. HfrtVttt = departure; he is speaking of his death; cp. 
the historical summary in the Introduction. 

3183. tDarum }tt fpdt? Saladin has returned to his accus- 
tomed liberality. 

3187. tttCTtH ♦ ♦ ♦ CHtfcCVS, used in clauses making a provision ; 
provided. 

3188. CtUCtj, cp. Note on 1. 2382. O well! It's just as likely he 
broke his neck. 

3193. 3eV Cecfet*, the rogue, good-naturedly. 

3201. bilfcen l^elfen, for tyabe btlben fyelfen. 

3202. fU QUteV £et}t, the last minute, from M. H. G. £e^e = 
2Xbfdpteb, 2Ibfd?tebsgefd?enf, 2lbfd?tebstrunf. £et$e fell into disuse; 
and as 3U filter £e^e designated the end of a visit, the last of a 
visit, the farewell, £e^te and £et$t were readily substituted for it. 

3205. <Etttit*> title of Mohammedan rulers and chieftains. 

3210. JlfruHaffeitt- The name of the ruler of Egypt, as well 
as the revolt mentioned is invented by the poet. 

3211. ^tjefccttS (three syllables), designated southern or upper 
Egypt ; named after Thebes, its capital ; now Said. 

3217. &ebC$Un$, escort. 

3225. fcer 5 U $ — ^ e Haramane. 

3226. — 3^r! id\ bin fobann fcei Sittafy is addressed to 

some slaves standing in waiting. 

3229. Significant. Cp. Introduction, § 74, b, 1. The Templar is 
carrying out Saladin's order, 1. 2815. 

3230. tPill rather denotes here futurity, as commonly tperben does. 



3333 1 NOTES 333 

3235. Cp. 1. 2219. 

3236. ifytt ftiiritttett, get him into tune, or get him into line. 

3241. es ftcfy }uv Hngele^enfyett madjert = cs fid? ana.e= 
legen fein laffen, ^ to&» /#*kr. 

3242. Ctfcj&^ett, to wrest from some one. 

3244. Cp. 11. 3653-54; and 1. 3662. — $odi bes SHavcn 

Tticfyt, etc. The father to whom Recha owes her physical existence 
is likened to a slave floating a block of marble to some shore and 
then abandoning it ; Nathan was the artist who saw in the abandoned 
block the divine form and features, which he released. 

3259. CS = what makes her smile ; if it were unworthy of the 
charm, in which it is clothed on her lips, etc. 

3261. Ufcerttnt?, buffoonery; Z<XUb , frivolity y *}dt)1terei, scoff- 
ing, mockery; %day\Z\&Ci\tX y flatterers ; ^U^lct* ', coquettes, par -ajnours. 

3265. feirtem Sonnenfcfyeitt — bes £dcfyelns Somtenfdjetn. 
3268. Cp. 11. 2819-21. 



3273. £ettf eilt! Holdback! 



3275. ftttttfce : ftefyett is used in a few set phrases in the same 
sense as fein. 

3281. 0}uerl:Oyf, madcap. 

3285. ifyrer tvavttn, commonly cmf fie marten. 

3287. l}Ctbt f)ttttf ! for bringing the breviary. 

3290. Waz 3fyr nidjt hvaudit — i.e. money. — (Surer = 
€uer (Eigenfinn; cp. 1. 3 114. 
3292. reiser; cp. 11. 456-57. 

3296. 3c TtU ! reassuring after the rather sad thought of the pre- 
ceding verse. ItU, older and now familiar form for tXUlt. 
3301 f. Cp. 1. 358, and notes. 

3305. fyefjeit., hunting term, to spur on, to incite. 
3313. Cp. 1. 33 2 9/- 
3318. Did (Bliicfs J the genitive was formerly always used with 

mel; cp. 1. 3283. 

3324. fc&f? — elliptical ; supply mie fd?abe. — From these words 
of Nathan some commentators have concluded that he was conscious of 
some guilt, assumed in taking and keeping Recha as his child. The 
assumption is absurd on its face. The wrong is not with Nathan, but 
with the fanaticism of men, which did not permit him to walk as openly 
before them as he could before his God. 

3333. fciltC must be stressed ; i.e. the deeds of a man often have 
their source in circumstances rather than in man's own choice : e.g. 
that Nathan concealed Recha's parentage. 



334 NATHAN DER WEISE [3339 

3339. It must be assumed that Nathan had been a second time at 
Saladin's palace. 

3342. ftaub = roar . . . gertcfytet ; cp. 1. 3275. 

3343- l a bed* XVCtyl, I presume. 

3345. Die QUtt Bant; Bant for tUenfcfy, denotes guilelessness, 

almost simplicity. 

3346. Stofcer = Spiirrmnb, a setter, here spy. 
3348. pHffi trick ; cp. the more common pftfftg. 

3350. bumme, fromme tEtnfalt; notice the same double 

meaning in English simplicity. 

3356. namentlicb = fo bag ber Hame genamtt murbe. 

3363. iEltcfr must be stressed. tltit fettle? (Buitft = mil fefe 

ner (Erlaubms; if yon please. 

3369. ehtes ^ebls, e ^ ne5 (Jebltritts. 
3371. tnit bem = mtt btefem Dorfatj. 

3375. ttmrmifeb = drgerlicfy; cp. bas tpunnt. 

3377. (& dud), down to the sixteenth century the common name 
for the cuckoo, considered a stupid bird. Hence, even in O. H. G., 
also in the sense of simpleton, fool. 

3380. Ian: fait. Cp. Revel in, 15, 16. ab^emeffen, etc., 

with what premeditated effort you tried to elude me. 

3382. ans bet £llft ^e^riffen, manufactured for the occasion: 

groundless. 

3394. XnX} nnb Qnt, an idiomatic expression, meaning without 
much ado. Nathan analyzes it, hence his question. We might trans- 
late : / decided to make short and good work of it. and put you to the 

knife. Cp. 1. 2322. 

3401. Caffe = (Saucb. 

3402. an beiben <Ett5en fd?tt>armen, i.e. an ben dugerfteu 

(Ettbcrt ; "whose thoughts are always wandering in extremes." 

3405. fo ttticfy f&ffet, if you approach me in that way, i.e. beg- 
ging forgiveness. 

3413. }nx Hebe fteUen, cp. 1. 2163, notes. 

3417. fO abnlid> fid> erMlt = is always the same. 

3423. (Euerm, must be stressed. 

3430. d5leicbt>iel, cp. 1. 3512. and note. 

3434. febr noti$ — . c P . 1. 3316. 

3435. obex trem es fonft ?u ttujfen nemt — implies the 

rather sharp rebuke for the Templar, that he is meddling in affairs 
that do not concern him. 

3455. tt?er fur met>r it>m banUn xvixb ! — i.e. the devil. 



3563] NOTES 33 5 

X)CtS* — Dartfen used to be construed with the genitive. Owing to 
the contamination of some genitive and accusative forms in the pro- 
nouns, the genitive was gradually replaced by the accusative throughout 

3456. 5tejen = biefen Banbcn. 

3459. Was tin (Bluet, etc., viz.: to find her relatives, why? 
Cp. 1. 3472 f. 

3475. bCU lantern ZOzUtn. Cp. 1. 1564 f. Notice how little 
the Templar makes of the creed which he professes. 

3484. Sriifcercfren — Scbteeftetcben, ironical terms of en- 
dearment. 

3493. t>erbnn?en, possibly formed from Bunb, as er^en, ibv^zn 

from ex, tbr J it would mean then first, to call or treat some person as 
a dog ; then to debase; thence to spoil. It is not a very delicate term. 

3494. <£r = ber (Ertgel. 

3497. nntevfcfjld^Cn, ordinarily to- embezzle, here to be de- 
prived of. 

3507. 2TtannS QtnUQ) genitive with genug; enough of a man. 
courageous enough; rarely said of women. 

3512. See Appendix. 

In the prose sketch Lessing has this note on our scene : ,,3tttctb 
ftnbet an Habcl nicbts, als etrt unfcbulbtges niabcbcn, obne alle gc= 
offenbartc Heligton, wovon fie faum btc Harnett fennt, abcr roll 
(Sefiibl bes (Suten unb ^urcbt ror (5ott." L. M. 111. 489. 

3520. CWgjt was originally a noun, and is even now rarely used 
as a predicate objective. Commonly : ttttr tfi angjt. 

3524. Cp. 1. 2101. 

3525. Cp. with the above quotation another from a letter of Lessing 
to his brother Karl, referring to the character of his Emilia Galotti : 
,,3<2? !ermc an ctnem unccrbciratctcn ITiabcben feme bobere £ugen= 
ben als ^tommigfeit unb (Scborfam." 

3534. Die falte Sncb^etebrfamfeit. it may be that we 

are to see an Oriental feature in Nathan's pedagogical methods; it may 
possibly be an approval of Rousseau's and Pestalozzfs ideas. But. 
more likely, it is another reference to the quarrels preceding the pub- 
lication of Nathan. See Appendix. 

3546. jcblecfrt Unb red>t; only in this phrase fcfrlecbt has its 
earlier meaning of fdjltdjt, plain; cp. fcblccbtbin, fcblecbtrocg, fcblecb= 
terbings; similarly rccbt has here its older meaning, straight: plain 
and natural ; cp. in btc ^vtcbtC gcbcn, L 3619. 

3554. ttHlI £nft, needs to give vent to its care. 

3563. $elten, used primarily of coins : to have value, to count. 



336 NATHAN DER WEISE [ 3565 

3565. ttnB ♦ ♦ ♦ VCVmCQCU, a somewhat odd use of tDoUen, prob- 
ably analogous to such expressions as : „<£tTt t>er3tr>etf cites libel trull 
ettie rertPegene 2lv$m\/' in which case tPollert indicates that the 
nature of the impersonal subject makes something else necessary. 

3569. aufbritt^en ; aufgebrungen is really intransitive ; cmf= 
brdngen, CUifgebrdngt are transitive ; cp. also 11. 3289 and 3590. 

3576. (3ntCZ = kindness; ^dfC5 = cruelty. 

3591. Some indications of Daja's missionary efforts we have seen in 
Act ill, Sc. 1. t>Ct*fel}ieTt is now ordinarily construed with the ac- 
cusative. 

361 1. itt>et*le$UU3, reflection. She had excused Daja's efforts, 
reflecting on her motives, and the other grounds enumerated in 1. 3603 f. 

3612, CUtbcdt ttutt fyabtn ; what she claimed to be a fact 
which she revealed to me. 

3624. XViC XZHXVb XXXXV ? What feeling ca7ne over me? 

3627. fcer (Bottlicfyen, b. \. ber fyetltgen ^nn^xan. 
3630. Observe : bt& tttatjrett TXlxtUibB ; Daja acted from pure 
motives, at least. 

3639. 2TUin Svufcer tOtnmt I It will be observed, as a mat 
ter of dramaturgical technique, that the closing words of most scenes 
introduce a new-comer of the following scene ; cp. 1. 3226. 

3640. VOXX ficfy beside herself. Cp. the opposite in 1. 3642 : 
„Komm bod? 3U btr, Ktnb \" 

3648. (Eli* er mir nidit vcvfyvidit. We now omit the 

negative. Throughout the eighteenth century a negative was fre- 
quently used in a dependent clause, expressing once more the negative 
idea contained in the main clause : Tell: //Derfyiit' es (Sott, ba§ tcfy 
rttcfyt i}tlfe brcmcfye \" — Similarly after main clauses with a compara- 
tive, as in this instance. 

3661. f&felltfc, rather indelicate term for "being delirious"; due 
to Saladin's impatience with Daja's procedure. 

3666. ffirttferbert ; how? Cp. 1.3246 f. 

3674. Uttl^CfC^Clt, participle used imperatively. 

3675. UIU fcie XV CttC lebCtt, who will vie with you in living; 
i.e. is as young as you. Notice the UTTS, which is another expression 
of the easy familiarity with which Saladin is trying to reassure Recha. 

3683. 33t*Ufcer! a slight reproach, implying probably How can 
you ask? Of course, they may come ! 

3690. The repetition of XHd} is probably due to metrical consider- 
ations ; similarly emefy \\\X, 1. 3697. 

3703. — fcift bO&l tneine ZodlUV TtOCfy ? Nathan surmises 



3790] NOTES 337 

the cause of Recha's tears, and, half comforting, half anxious asks his 
question. 

3705 f. Cp. 1. 1 16 if. He refers to her possible love for the Tem- 
plar, of course. The double negative, 1. 3707, was once good German 
as well as English. To conclude from Recha's answer that she had 
no love for the Templar, would be just as hasty (%a&) = jad? = jab[e]), 
and hence just as much open to censure, as the Templar's conduct. 

3715. Bemtif} Mcb ntd}t; cp. 1. 2816 f. 

3716. iEnt^egeitf'ommert, erraten* Saladin knew that 

Nathan had, in a sense, refused the Templar's request for Recha's 
hand, and surmised that the Templar had since then not seen Recha, 
and so had not made her acquainted with his wishes. Could not 
Recha on that ground say that she was threatened with no other loss? 

3727. ni&lt QZUan rte^men, to make allowance. 

3728. tt>artU = bt^tg, fiery, impulsive, 

3729. Citt5 fiit*£ CMbtVC, i.e. you must balance his readiness to 
abandon you now, with his noble deed in your behalf at the time of 
the fire. 

3731. fid} atttrctgen., to offer one's self. 

3736. ift XVCtB Kecbt's, that's something great! 

3737. mtimz Brufcers ; md?ts (M. H. G. ntbt) was formerly 

regularly construed with a partitive genitive ; now ordinarily with POTT 
and the dative. 

3738. £<XVVC) empty appearance. 

3743 f. Apparently slightly sarcastic, or in a tone of superiority, 
which Nathan ably retaliates. 

3754. Ctuffcinfcert, foist upon one. 

3756. <E thrift, again in its pregnant meaning of 1. 2786. It is 
hardly the Christian, however, or religious fanaticism, which is at the 
bottom of this low suspicion. Cp. 1. 3512, and note. Nathan under- 
stands his motives better. 

3761. ttVQXVCbn [base siispicion) and 2Hif*traun {Jack of con- 
fidence) come from the same source. 

3767. einen einer Citge (genitive of cause) ftrafen, to accuse 

one of a lie. 

3770. Da5 l>ief ? <&Ott tfyrt f yVZCtyCU always implies a threat : 
lucky for him, he said that ! 

3775. t}iet* fU CatlbC ordinarily means in this country; here. 
to this country. It is now commonly written bter^ulaube. 

3790. Here, at last, appears the reason which the Templar had 
for concealing his real name : he did not look on his father's conduct 



33 8 ' NATHAN DER WEISE 



3793 



with favor, in spite of his much boasted liberality. See Intro- 
duction, § 75. Notice the punctuation in these lines.* 

3793. Sie <Bef Ct?tt>ifter ! This relationship may have been sug- 
gested by Diderot's play Le Fils naturel = „Der natiirltcfye Sofyn, ober 
bte proben ber Cugenb," which Lessing translated. As to the fitness 
of the ending see Introduction, §§ 74 and 75, also for the rest of the 
scene. 

3794. 3fjr &VUbCVl The kind of emotion expressed in these 
words may easily be misunderstood; be sure to take notice of 1. 3800 f. 

3795. Wiv (mem Pater unb id?) finfc Setru^er, L e. in the 

Templar's eyes. 

3797. alles tft erlO^en an bit : you are made up of decep- 
tion; deception y§ur face, etc. 

3799. erfennen = anerfennen; cp. 1. 3835. 

3810. Perftoftt fie meinetwe^en, ^^^ her on my account, 

i.e. for the wrong I have once more committed against you. This is 
plainly the meaning, as appears from ettt^elten laffett (1. 3811): 
why let her pay the penalty. Nathan's forgiveness is simply expressed 
in Uttb Was? penalty, for what? 

3 82 5- $VanV, cp. 1. 334, note. UbtnblanbCV = a native of 
the Occident. 

3833. In view of 1. 2835, it was well for Nathan to leave it with 
the Sultan, whether he wished to acknowledge the Templar and Recha 
as relatives, or regard them as friends. 

3836. Heffen, stretching the term to include Recha as well as 
the Templar. 

3842. Cp. 11. 3523-24; 1. 3669. 

* A word must be said about the punctuation of the text. Lessing considered 
it an important item. In a letter to his brother Carl (Jan. 17, 1779), who was 
supervising the printing, he urged that no arbitrary changes be made, and that 
particularly the difference between the dash ( — ) and the dots (. . .) be observed, 
which he calls an essential point of his new punctuation for actors. Dots indi- 
cate an interruption by the speaker himself, or by the listener; the dash indicates 
a pause for the actor. Kuno Fischer justly says : " Lessing's punctuation is so 
eloquent, so freighted with meaning, so significant ; every comma, every semi- 
colon has its meaning. Some authors place dashes in want of thought ; with Les- 
sing a dash always denotes that there were too many thoughts crowding in on 
him. They denote a most eloquent silence." 



APPENDIX 



34. Was Nathan unter Tugend versteht, geht hervor aus den Ge- 
danken i'tber die Herriihuter, L. M. XIV, 160:* "Man stelle sich vor, 
es stiinde zu unsern Zeiten ein Mann auf . . . dessen Ermahnungen und 
Lehren auf das einzige zielten, was uns ein gliickliches Leben ver- 
schafFen kann, auf die Tugend. Er lehrte uns, des Reichtums entbeh- 
ren, ja ihn niehen. Er lehrte uns, unerbittlich gegen uns selbst, nach- 
sehend gegen andere sein. Er lehrte uns, das Verdienst, auch wenn 
es mit Ungltick und Schmach tiberhauft ist, hochachten und gegen die 
machtige Dummheit verteidigen. Er lehrte uns die Stimme der Natur 
in unserm Herzen lebendig empfinden. Er lehrte uns, Gott nicht nur 
glauben, sondern was das Vornehmste ist, lieben. Er lehrte uns end- 
lich, dem Tode unerschrocken unter die Augen gehen, und durch einen 
willigen Abtritt von diesem Schauplatze beweisen, daB man iiberzeugt 
sei, die Weisheit wiirde uns die Maske nicht ablegen heiBen, wenn 
wir unsere Rolle nicht geendigt hatten." Dieser Mann ware der wahre 
Philosoph, ganz einerlei, wie wenig er sonst von den zu diesem Namen 
berechtigenden Kenntnissen hatte. Siehe auch Appendix, 867. 

I 3^. Vgl. dazu, was Lessing am 1. August 1759 in einer Rezen- 
sion iiber Schwarmer sagt, L. M. VIII, 133. Der Nordische Aufseher 
hatte behauptet, die Sprache sei zu arm, alles was wir denken, in 
Worten auszudriicken, und fahrt dann fort : ' ' Wofern man imstande 
ware, aus dem Gedrange dieser schnell fortgesetzten Gedanken, dieser 
Gedanken von so genauen Bestimmungen (d. h. mit feinen Gefiihls- 
niiancen — T. D.) einige mit Kaltsinn auszunehmen, und sie in kurze 
Satze zu bringen : was fur neue Wahrheiten von Gott wtirden oft dar- 
unter sein !" — "Keine einzige neue Wahrheit!" — sagt Lessing. "Die 
Wahrheit laBt sich nicht so in dem Taumel unserer Empnndungen 
hascken. Ich verdenke es dem Verfasser sehr, daB er sich bloBgege- 
ben, so etwas auch nur vermuten zu konnen. Er steht an der wahren 
Quelle, aus welcher alle fanatische und enthusiastische Begriffe von 
Gott geflossen sind. Mit wenig deutlichen Ideen von Gott und den 

* Lessing's theologische Schriften, worin auch die Fragmente einbegrif- 
fen, sind einem weiteren Leserkreise leicht zuganglich gemacht durch Chris 
tian Gross, Lessings Theologische Schriften, 4 Teile in 2 Bd. Berlin, Hempel. 

339 



340 NATHAN DER WEISE 153 

gottlichen Vollkommenheiten setzt sich der Schwarmer hin, tiberlaBt 
sich ganz seinen Empfindungen, nimmt die Lebhaftigkeit derselben 
fur Deutlichkeit der Begrifife, wagt es, sie in Worte zu kleiden, und 
wird — ein Bohme, ein Pordage (zwei bedeutende Mystiker des Mittel- 
alters)." Vgl. dazu : Zeller, Von Sybel's His tor is c he Zeitschrift, xxm, 
S. 347 f., wie Lessing sich in dieser Ansicht mit Leibniz und Wolff 
begegnet. 

153. Aus Marin's Geschichte Saladins hatte Lessing sich aufge- 
zeichnet : • ' Die Kreuzbrtider, die so unwissend als leichtglaubig waren, 
streuten oft aus, daB sie Engel in weiBen Kleidern, mit blitzenden 
Schwertern in der Hand, und insonderheit den heiligen Georg zu 
Pferde in voller Rtistung hatten vom Himmel herabkommen sehen, 
welche an der Spitze ihrer Kriegsvolker gestritten hatten." (L. M. 
ill, 491.) Vgl. auch Tasso, Gerusalemme liber at a, wo ahnliche Er- 
scheinungen mehrfach erwahnt werden 

Zu Zeile 199 ff. vgl. Rousseau Emile, IV {Edition stereotype, 
d'apres le procede de Firmin Didot, tome II, p. 271): "Pourquoi mon 
ante est-elle soumise a mes sens, et enchainee a ce corps qui Fasservit 
et la gene? ye rien sais rien : suis-je entre dans les decrets de Dieu? 
Mais je puis, sans temerite, former de modestes conjectures, ye me dis : 
Si r esprit de Vhomme fut reste libre et pur, quel merit e auroit-il 
d? aimer et suivre Vordre quHl verroit etabli, et quHl riauroit une 
inter et a troubler ? II seroit heureux, il est vrai ; mais il manqueroit 
a son bonheur le degre le plus sublime, la gloire de la vertu et le bon 
temoignage de soi; il ne seroit que comme les ange's, et sans doute 
Vhomme vertueux sera plus qu'eux" 

211. Was Lessing und mit ihm Nathan unter Wundern versteht, 
geht aus mehreren Stellen deutlich hervor. Fur sprunghafte, unmoti- 
vierte Eingriffe in den Gang der Natur ist in der Welt kein Raum. 
In der Rettung des Cochlaus, L. M. v, 366 f., heifit es z. B. : "Der 
Ausgang der Kinder Israel aus Egypten ward durch einen Totschlag, 
und man mag sagen, was man will, durch einen straibaren Totschlag 
veranlaBt ; ist er aber deswegen weniger ein Werk Gottes und weniger 
einWunder? — Ich weiB wohl, daB es auch eine Art von Dankbarkeit 
gegen die Werkzeuge, wodurch unser Gltick ist befordert worden, 
giebt, allein ich weiB auch, daB diese Dankbarkeit, wenn man sie 
ubertreibt, zu einer Idolatrie wird (wie zum Beispiel die Dankbarkeit 
Rechas gegen den Tempelherrn. T. D.)....Ein neuer Schriftsteller 
hatte vor einiger Zeit einen witzigen Einfall ; er sagte, die Reforma- 
tion sei in Deutschland ein Werk des Eigennutzes, in England ein 
Werk der Liebe, und in dem liederreichen Frankreich das Werk eines 



2ii ] APPENDIX 341 

Gassenhauers gewesen. Man hat sich viel Miihe gegeben, diesen Ein- 
fall zu widerlegen ; als ob em Einfall widerlegt werden konnte? Man 
kann ihn nicht anders widerlegen, als wenn man ihm den Witz nimmt, 
und das ist hier nicht moglich. Er bleibt witzig, er mag nun wahr 
oder falsch sein. Allein ihm sein Gift zu nehmen, wenn er anders 
welches hat, hatte man ihn nur so ausdrticken diirfen : In Deutsch- 
land hat die ewige Weisheit, welche alles zu ihrem Zwecke zu lenken 
weiB, die Reformation durch den Eigennutz, in England durch die 
Liebe, und in Frankreich durch ein Lied gewirkt. Auf diese Weise 
ware aus dem Tadel der Menschen ein Lob des Hochsten geworden! 
Doch wie schwer gehen die Sterblichen an dieses, wenn sie ihr eigenes 
nicht damit verbinden konnen." (Vgl. Nathan, 293 ff.) Ganz ahnliche 
Ansichten fand Lessing vertreten von Rousseau Emile, IV {Edition 
stereotype, d'apres le pro cede de Fir?7iin Didot, tome II, p. 284): 
"Cest Vordre inalterable de la nature qui montre le mieux la sage 
main qui la regit; s'il arrivoit beaucoup d' exceptions, je ne saurois 
plus, qtien penser; et pour moi je crois trop en Dieu pour croire a 
tant de miracles si pen dignes de ltd" — Der unmittelbare Vorganger 
Lessings in dieser Ansicht war aber Reimarus, der Fragmentist. 
Namentlich was er Vers 220 ff. sagt, findet eine weitere Ausfuhrung 
im zweiten Fragment (L. M. xn, 355). Nachdem zunachst die Krite- 
rien fur die Echtheit der Weissagungen festgestellt sind, fahrt der Un- 
genannte fort: "Bei den Wundern hat man zu beobachten, ob sie von 
den Gegenwartigen ohne Widerspruch fur Wunder gehalten sind? 
(Man bemerke, daB Daja den Ritter bald Tempelherr, bald Engel sein 
laBt. T. D.) Ob dieselben das Geschick gehabt, das Naturliche und 
die Kunstgriffe von iibernaturlichen Wirkungen zu unterscheiden ? Ob 
die Wunder so erzahlet sind, daB man aus der Erzahlung selbst ein 
geiibtes Urteil des Schreibers, und die Merkmale, daB es ein Wunder, 
und nichts Naturliches oder Betrug gewesen, schlieBen kann ? Ob die 
Wunder selbst so beschaffen sind, daB die Umstande mit einander 
iibereinstimmen oder sich widersprechen ? Ob sie der Art sind, daB 
sie nicht allein Gottes Macht, sondern auch seine Weisheit und Gute 
beweisen, oder ob sie vielmehr diesen Vollkommenheiten Gottes ent- 
gegenlaufen, und bloB die Ordnung und den Lauf der Natur storen 
und aus der Welt einen Traum machen? Letztlich ist sehr darauf 
zu sehen, was sie fur einen Zweck gehabt, und was denn eigentlich 
durch diese Wunder Gutes und Herrliches ausgerichtet worden." 
Nachdem er dann im dritten Frag?nent diese Kriterien auf die bibli- 
schen Wunder angewandt, kommt er zu dem SchluB (S. 368): "Sehet. 
so wenig Verstand und Nachdenken kostet es, Wunder zu machen! 



342 NATHAN DER WEISE - [269 

So wenig ist audi nOtig (d. h. mehr darf man audi nicht haben, T.D.), 
sie zu glauben!" (Vgl. Vers 269.) 

269. Harnack, Dogmengesch. 1, 59, Anm. 2: "Der Historiker ist 
nicht imstande, mit einem Wunder als einem sicher gegebenen ge- 
schichtlichen Ereignis zu rechnen; denn er hebt damit die Betrach- 
tungsweise auf, auf welcher alle geschichtliche Forschung beruht. 
Jedes einzelne Wunder bleibt geschichtlich vollig zweifelhaft, und die 
Summation des Zweifelhaften fuhrt niemals zu einer GewiBheit. Uber- 
zeugt sich der Historiker trotzdem aber, daB Jesus Christus AuBer- 
ordentliches, im strengen Sinn Wunderbares gethan hat, so schlieBt er 
von dem einzigartigen Eindruck, welchen er von dieser Person gewonnen 
hat, auf eine iibernaturliche Macht derselben. Dieser SchluB gehort 
selbst dem Gebiet des religiosen Glaubens an. Ubrigens kommen nach 
strenger geschichtlicher Priifung iiberhaupt nur die Heilungswunder 
T esu in Betracht. Diese lassen sich allerdings aus den geschichtlichen 
Berichten nicht eliminieren, ohne diese Berichte bis auf den Grund zu 
zerst5ren. Allein wie ungeeignet sind sie an und fur sich, um dem, 
dem sie beigelegt werden, nach 1800 Jahren irgend welche besondere 
Bedeutung zu sichern! DaB er mit sich selber konnte wie er wollte, 
daB er ein Neues schuf, ohne das Alte zu sttirzen, daB er die Menschen 
fur sich gewann, indem er von seinem Vater ktindete, daB er ohne 
Schwarmerei begeisterte, ohne Politik ein Reich aufrichtete, ohne Askese 
von der Welt befreite, ohne Theologie ein Lehrer war, inmitten einer 
Zeit der Schwarmerei und Politik, der Askese und r Theologie, das 
ist das groBe Wunder seiner Person, und daB er, der die Berg- 
predigt gesprochen, sich im Hinblick auf sein Leben und Sterben als 
den Erloser und Richter der Welt verkiindete, ist das Argernis und 
die Thorheit, welche aller Vernunft spotten." 

358-9. Dramaturgies 12. Stuck, L. M. IX, 231 : "Wenn daher 
die S emir amis des Herrn Voltaire weiter kein Verdienst hatte, als 
dieses, worauf er sich so viel zu gute thut, daB man namlich daraus 
die hochste Gerechtigkeit verehren lerne, die, auBerordentliche Laster- 
thaten zu strafen, auBerordentliche Wege wahle : so wurde Semira7nis 
in meinen Augen nur ein sehr mittelmaBiges Stuck sein. Besonders, 
da diese Moral selbst nicht eben die erbaulichste ist. Denn es ist 
ohnstreitig dem weisesten Wesen weit anstandiger, wenn er dieser 
auBerordentlichen Wege nicht bedarf, und wir uns die Bestrafung des 
Guten und Bosen in die ordentliche Kette der Dinge von ihr mit 
eingenochten denken." — Fiir Recha werden die Worte kaum mehr 
als ziemlich unbedeutende Trostworte gewesen sein. Fiir Nathan ent- 
hielten sie eine tiefe Wahrheit. 



385 ] APPENDIX 343 

360 ff. In den Gedanken uber die Herrnhuter, L. M. xiv, 154 ff. 
erortert Lessing die These: "DerMensch ward zum Thun, und nicht 
zum Verniinfteln erschaffen." Er zeigt, wie sich nach und nach Philo- 
sophic und Religion in Formlichkeiten verloren und auf der praktischen 
Seite ganz verkummerten. (159): "Was hilft es, recht zu glauben, 
wenn man unrecht lebt? Wie glucklich, wenn ihr uns ebenso viel 
fromme als gelehrte Nachfolger gelassen hattet! Der Aberglaube fiel. 
Aber eben das, wodurch ihr ihn sturztet, die Vernunft, die so schwer 
in ihrer Sphare zu erhalten ist, die Vernunft ftihrte euch auf einen 
andern Irrweg, der zwar weniger' von der Wahrheit, doch desto wei- 
ter von der Ausiibung der Pflichten eines Christen entfernt war. — 
Und jetzo, da unsere Zeiten — soil ich sagen so glucklich? oder so 
ungliicklich ? — sind, daB man eine so vortreffliche Zusammensetzung 
von Gottesgelahrtheit und Weltweisheit gemacht hat, worinne man mit 
Miihe und Not eine von der andern unterscheiden kann, worinne eine 
die andere schwacht, indem diese den Glauben durch Beweise erzwin- 
gen, und jene die Beweise durch den Glauben unterstiitzen soil; jetzo, 
sage ich, ist durch diese verkehrte Art, das Christentum zu lehren, 
ein wahrer Christ weit seltener, als in den dunklen Zeiten geworden. 
Der Erkenntnis nach sind wir Engel und dem Leben nach Teufel. — 
Ich will es dem Leser iiberlassen, mehr Gleichheiten zwischen den 
Schicksalen der Religion und der Weltweisheit aufzusuchen. Er wird 
durchgangig finden, daB die Menschen in der einen wie in der ande- 
ren nur immer haben verniinfteln, niemals handeln wollen." 

385. Es lieBen sich eine ganze Menge Stellen anfiihren, um Les- 
sings Determinismus, seine Ansicht von der Willensfreiheit, oder viel- 
mehr der Willens-Gebundenheit klarzulegen. Eine einzige muB genii- 
gen. "Der dritte Aufsatz (Jerusalems Uber die Freiheif) zeiget, wie 
wohl der Verfasser ein System gefaBt hatte, das wegen seiner gefahr- 
lichen Folgerungen so verschrieen ist, und gewiB weit allgemeiner sein 
wiirde, wenn man sich so leicht gewOhnen kftnnte, diese Folgerungen 
selbst in dem Lichte zu betrachten, in welchem sie hier erscheinen. 
Tugend und Laster so erklart, Belohnung und Strafe, hierauf einge- 
schrankt : was verlieren wir, wenn man uns die Freiheit abspricht ? 
Etwas — wenn es etwas ist — was wir nicht brauchen, was wir weder 
zu unserer Thatigkeit hier, noch zu unserer Gliickseligkeit dort brau- 
chen. Etwas, dessen Besitz weit unruhiger und besorgter machen 
mtiBte, als das Gefiihl seines Gegenteils nimmermehr machen kann. — 
Zwang und Notwendigkeit, nach welchen die Vorstellung des Besten 
wirkt, wie viel willkommener sind sie mir als kahle Vermogenheit, 
unter den namlichen Umstanden bald so, bald anders handeln zu kon- 



344 NATHAN DER WEISE L 867 

nen ! Ich claiike dem Schopfer, daB ich mziss, das Beste muB. Wenn 
ich, in diesen Schranken selbst, so viel Feliltritte noch thue, was 
wurde geschehen, wenn ich mir ganz allein tiberlassen ware? einer 
blinden Kraft tiberlassen ware, die sich nach keinen Gesetzen richtet, 
und mich darum nicht minder dem Zufall unterwirft, weil dieser Zu- 
fall sein Spiel in mir selbst hat ? — Also von der Seite der Moral ist 
dieses System geborgen." L. M. xn, 298. — In den Gesprdchen fur 
Freimaurer, L. M. xiii, 353 heiBt es : "Der Weise kann nicht sagen, 
was er besser verschweigt." Grillparzer (Des Meeres und der Liebe 
Wellen, I. Aufzug, Cotta'sche Ausgabe, S. 24) spricht genau aus, was 
auch Nathan und Al-Hafi sagen wollen: 

44 Die freie Wahl ist schwacher Thoren Spielzeug ; 

Der Tiicht'ge sieht in jedem Soil ein Muss, 

Und Zwang, als erste Pfiicht, ist ihm die Wahrheit." 

867 ff. Allgemein ware zu diesen Versen zu vergleichen, was 
Lessing schon im Jahre 1756 an Mendelssohn schreibt : "Ich gehe 
noch weiter und gebe Ihnen zu iiberlegen, ob die tugendhafte That, 
die ein Mensch aus bloBer Nacheiferung ohne deutliche Erkenntnis 
thut, wirklich eine tugendhafte That ist und ihm als eine solche zu- 
gerechnet werden kann." 

Ferner in der Rettung des Cardanus (L. M. V, 316) laBt Carda- 
nus den Christen sagen : ' l Der dritte Grund [fur die Echtheit des 
christlichen Glaubens] wird von den Geboten Christi hergenommen, 
welche nichts enthalten, was mit der Moral oder mit der natiirlichen 
Philosophie streitet. Was sein Leben anlangt, darinne< kann es ihm 
niemand gleich thun, und wenn er auch der allerbeste ware ; aber es 
nachahmen kann ein jeder. Was ? konnen sag ich ? Ja, so viel du 
dich von seinem Exempel entfernst, soviel Gottlosigkeit nimmst du 
an." — Bedeutsamer ist, was Lessing dann, als Verteidiger der Mo- 
hammedaner dem Cardan erwidert: L. M. v, 325: "Man sieht es wohl, 
mein guter Cardan, daB du ein Christ bist, und daB dein Vorsatz nicht 
sowohl gewesen ist die Religionen zu vergleichen, als die christliche, 
so leicht als moglich, triumphieren zu lassen. Gleich anfangs bin ich 
schlecht mit dir zufrieden, daB du die Lehren unsers Mahomets in 
eine Klasse setzest, in welche sie gar nicht gehoren. Das, was der 
Heide, der Jude, der Christ seine Religion nennet, ist ein Wirrwar 
von Satzen, die eine gesunde Vernunft nie fur die ihrigen erkennen 
wird. Sie berufen sich alle auf hohere Offenbarungen, deren Moglich- 
keit noch nicht einmal erwiesen ist. Durch diese wollen sie Wahr- 
heiten uberkommen haben, die vielleicht in einer andern moglichen 
Welt, nur nicht in der unsrigen, Wahrheiten sein konnen. Sie erken- 



1273] APPENDIX 345 

nen es selbst unci nennen sie daher Geheimnisse; ein Wort, das seine 
Widerlegung gleich bei sich fiihret. Ich will sie dir nicht nennen, 
sondern ich will nur sagen, daB eben sie es sind, welche die aller-- 
grGbsten und sinnlichsten Begriffe von allem was gottlich ist, erzeu- 
gen ; daB sie es sind, die nie dem gemeinen V T olk erlauben werden, 
sich seinen SchOpfer auf eine anstandige Art zu denken ; daB sie es 
sind, welche den Geist zu unfruchtbaren Betrachtungen verfiihren und 
ihm ein Ungeheuer bilden, welches ihr den Glauben nennet. Diesem 
gebt ihr die Schlussel des Himmels und der Hollen; und Glucks genug 
fiir die Tugend, daB ihr sie mit genauer Not zu einer etwannigen 
Begleiterin desselben gemacht ! Die Verehrung heiliger Hirngespinster 
macht bei Euch ohne Gerechtigkeit selig ; aber nicht diese ohne. jene. 
Welche Verblendung ! " 

Endlich sagt Lessing in seinen Gegensatzen zu den Fragmenten: 
(L. M. xii, 429) : "Die Religion ist nicht wahr, weil die Evangelisten 
und Apostel sie lehrten, sondern sie lehrten sie, weil sie wahr ist. Aus 
ihrer innern Wahrheit miissen die schriftlichen Uberlieferungen erklart 
werden, und alle schriftliche Uberlieferungen konnen ihr keine 
innere Wahrheit geben, wenn sie keine hat." 

990. Es scheint etwas unnatiirlich, daB Saladin seiner Schwester 
gegeniiber die Einheit seines Gottes betonen sollte. Es wird eine ver- 
steckte Anspielung auf einen Ausdruck des Fragmentisten darin ent- 
halten sein. .Er sagt im II Fragment: L. M. xn, 342 (auch 340): 
"Der Jude ist im Gesetze Mosis aufs scharfste gewarnet, er soil nicht 
mehrere Gotter anerkennen, es sei nur ein Gott. Er kann aber doch 
die Lehre, daB Jesus sowohl Gott sei wie der Vater, und der heilige 
Geist sowohl Gott sei wie Vater und Sohn, nicht anders einsehen als 
eine Lehre von vielen Gottern ; er denkt wie seine Vorfahren, das sei 
eine Gotteslasterung, daB sich Jesus selbst zum Gott gemacht. " Und 
auch im Cardanus laBt Lessing den Mohammedaner dem Christen ge- 
geniiber geltend machen, daB sie an nur einen einzigen Gott glauben. 
Und im ersten Stuck seiner Dramaturgie verdenkt es Lessing einem 
Schauspieldichter, "daB er eine Religion uberall des Polytheismus 
schuldig macht, die fast mehr als jede andere auf die Einheit Gottes 
dringt." 

1273. Im Freigeist sagt Lessing: "Ich bin es nur allzuwohl 
uberzeugt, daB alle ehrliche Menschen einerlei denken." L. M. 11, 58. 

1293. Lessing sucht in seinen Gegensatzen, L. M. xii, 436, zu 
erweisen, daB die gottliche Offenbarung bei den Juden vor alien 
Volkern in gute Hande geraten sei. "Dieses unendlich mehr ver- 
achtete als verachtliche Volk ist doch in der ganzen Geschichte 



346 NATHAN DER WEISE [ 1309 

schlechterdings das erste und einzige, welches sich ein Geschaft dar- 
aus gemacht, seine Religion mitzuteilen und auszubreiten. Wegen des 
Eifers, mit welchem die Juden dieses Geschaft betrieben, bestrafte sie 
schon Christus, verlachte sie schon Horaz. Alle anderen Volker waren 
mit ihren Religionen entweder zu geheim und zu neidisch, oder viel 
zu kalt gegen sie gesinnt als da£ sie fur derselben Ausbreitung sich 
der geringsten Mtihwaltung hatten unterziehen sollen. Die christ- 
lichen Volker, die den Juden in diesem Eifer hernach gefolgt sind ? 
iiberkamen ihn bloB, insofern sie auf den Stamm des Judentums gepfropft 
waren-" 

Interessant ist es in Verbindung mit dieser Zeile eine auch auf 
die ganze Tendenz des Stticks bezugliche Stelle aus der Dra7?iaturgie 
(7. Stuck, 22. Mai 1767) L. M. IX, 210-11. zu vergleichen : *'Es war 
von dem Herrn von Cronegk ein wenig uniiberlegt, in einem Stiick, 
dessen Stoff aus den ungliicklichen Zeiten der Kreuzziige genommen 
ist, die Toleranz predigen, und die Abscheulichkeiten des Geistes der 
Verfolgung an den Bekennern der mohamedanischen Religion zeigen 
zu wollen, Denn diese Kreuzziige selbst, die in ihrer Anlage ein poli- 
tischer Kunstgriff der Papste waren, wurden in ihrer Ausfuhrung die 
unmenschlichsten Verfolgungen, deren sich der christliche Aberglaube 
jemals schuldig gemacht hat ; die meisten und blutgierigsten Isme- 
nors hatte damals die wahre Religion ; und einzelne Personen, die 
eine Moschee beraubt haben, zur Strafe ziehen, kommt das wohl 
gegen die unselige Raserei, welche das rechtglaubige Europa entvOl- 
kerte, um das unglaubige Asien zu verwusten." Diese Ansicht von 
den Kreuzztigen war dem Aufklarungsjahrhundert ganz gelaufig, Das 
neunzehnte Jahrhundert hat in manchem dies Urteil gemildert, 

1309 ff. Ernst und Falck, Gesprache fur Freimaurer, L. M. 
xiii, 358 £ Falck : Wens die biirgerliche Gesellschaft auch nur das 
Gute hatte, daB allein in ihr die menschliche Vernunft angebauet wer- 
den kann, ich wurde sie auch bei weit groBeren Ubeln noch segnen. — 
Ernst : Wer des Feuers geniefien will, sagt das Sprichwort, muB sich 
den Rauch gefallen lassen. — Falck : Allerdings ! — Aber weil der 
Rauch bei dem Feuer unvermeidlich ist, diirfte man darum keinen 
Rauchfang erfinden? Und der den Rauchfang erf and, war der darum 
ein Feind des Feuers? — Sieh, dahin wollt ich. — Ernst: Wohin? 
ich verstehe dich nicht. — Falck : Das Gleichnis war doch sehr pas- 
send. Wenn die Menschen nicht anders in Staaten vereinigt 

werden konnten als durch jene Trennungen, werden sie darum gut, 
jene Trennungen ? — Ernst : Das wohl nicht. — Falck : Werden sie 
darum heilig, jene Trennungen?,.. Falck: Ich dachte [es ware] 



1589 ] APPENDIX 347 

recht sehr zu wiinschen, daB es in jedem Staate Manner geben 
mochte, die iiber die Vorurteile der V5lkerschaft hinweg waren und 

genau wiiBten, wo Patriotismus Tugend zu sein aufhort. Recht 

sehr zu wiinschen, daB es in jedem Staate Manner geben mochte, die 
dem Vorurteil ihrer angeborenen Religion nicht unterlagen, nicht 
glaubten, daB alles notwendig gut und wahr sein miisse, was sie fur 

gut und wahr erkennen. Recht sehr zu wiinschen, daB es in 

jedem Staate Manner geben mochte, welche biirgerliche Hoheit nicht 
blendet, und biirgerliche Geringfugigkeit nicht ekelt, in deren Gesell- 
schaft der Hohe sich gern herablaBt und der Geringe sich dreist er- 
hebt." — Aber iibereilen soil man sich mit Reformen auch nicht: 
"Der Freimaurer erwartet ruhig den Aufgang der Sonne und laBt die 
Lichter brennen, so lange sie wollen und konnen. — Die Lichter aus- 
loschen, und, wenn sie ausgeloscht sind, erst wahrnehmen, daB mar. 
die Stumpe doch wieder anzunden oder wohl gar andere Lichter wie- 
der aufstecken muB, das ist der Freimaurer Sache nicht." 

1588. " Cardan laBt bei diesem Beweise (fur die Glaubwiirdig- 
keit der chr. Lehre) nichts weg, als das, was ich wiinschte, daB man 
es immer weggelassen hatte. Das Blut der Martyrer namlich, welches 
ein sehr zweideutiges Ding ist. Er war in ihrer Geschichte ohne 
Zweifel allzuwohl bewandert, als daB er nicht sehr viele unter ihnen 
bemerken sollte, die eher Thoren und Rasende genannt zu werden 
verdienen als Blutzeugen. Auch kannte er ohne Zweifel das mensch- 
liche Herz zu gut, als daB er nicht wissen sollte, eine geliebte Grille 
konne es eben so weit bringen, als die Wahrheit in allem ihren 
Glanze. Kurz, er ist nicht allein ein starker Verfechter des christ- 
lichen Glaubens, sondern auch ein vorsichtiger ; zwei Dinge, die nicht 
immer beisammen sind. u (L. M. v, 321.) 

1589 ff. Ganz im selben Geist sagt Lessing in seinen Gegen- 
sdtzen zu den Fragment en, L. M. XII, 428: "Wie vieles laBt sich 
noch auf alle diese Einwiirfe und Schwierigkeiten antworten ! Und 
wenn sich auch schlechterdings nichts darauf antworten lieB : was 
dann? Der gelehrte Theolog konnte am Ende dartiber verlegen sein, 
aber auch der Christ? Der gewiB nicht. Jenem hochstens konnte es 
zur Verwirrung gereichen, die Stutzen, welche er der Religion unter- 
ziehen wollen, so erschuttert zu sehen, die Strebepfeiler so niedergerissen 
zu finden, mit welchen er, wenn Gott will, sie so schon verwahret hatte. 
Aber was gehen dem Christen dieses Mannes Hypothesen und Erklarun- 
gen und Beweise an? Ihm ist es doch einmal da, das Christentum, 
welches er so wahr, in welchem er sich so selig filhlet. Wenn der 
Paralytikus die wohlthatigen Schlage des elektrischen Funkens erfahrt, 



348 NATHAN DER WEISE [ 1805 

was kiimmert es ihn, ob Nollet oder ob Franklin, oder ob keiner von 
beiden recht hat? , ' 

1805. Vgl. dazu die Dramaturgic, XX. St., L. M. ix, 265. "Dori- 
mond (in Cenie, von Frau Francoise de Graffigny) hat dem Mericourt 
eine ansehnliche Verbindung nebst dem vierten Teil seines Vermogens 
zugedacht. Aber das ist das wenigste, worauf Mericourt geht (d. h. das 
ist ihm lange nicht genug). Er verweigert sich dem groBmiitigen An- 
erbieten und will sich ihm aus Uneigenniitzigkeit verweigert zu haben 
scheinen. ' Wozu das ? ' sagt er. ' Warum wollen Sie sich Hires Ver- 
mogens berauben? GenieBen Sie Hirer Giiter selbst, sie haben Ihnen 
Gefahr und Arbeit geiiug gekostet' J 9 en jouirai, je vous rendrai tons 
heureux, laBt die Graffigny den lieben gutherzigen Alten antworten. 
" Ich will ihrer genieBen, ich will euch alle gliicklich machen." Vor- 
trefflich ! Hier ist kein Wort zu viel ! Die wahre nachlassige Kiirze, 
mit der ein Mann, dem Giite zur Natur geworden ist, von seiner Giite 
spricht, wenn er davon sprechen muB ! Seines Gluckes genieBen, andere 
gliicklich machen : beides ist ihm nur eines ; das eine ist ihm nicht bloB 
eine Folge des andern, ein Teil des andern; das eine ist ihm ganz das 
andere : und so wie sein Herz keinen Unterschied darunter kennt, so 
weiB audi sein Mund keinen darunter zu machen." 

1815. Vgl. Duplik, L.M. xiii, S. 23-24. " Nicht die Wahrheit, in 
deren Besitz irgend ein Mensch ist, oder zu sein vermeinet, sondern die 
aufrichtige Miihe, die er angewandt hat, hinter die Wahrheit zu kommen, 
macht den Wert des Menschen. Denn nicht durch den Besitz, sondern 
durch die Nachforschung der Wahrheit erweitern sich seine Krafte, 
worin allein seine immer wachsende Vollkommenheit besteht. Der Be- 
sitz macht ruhig, trage, stolz. 

Wenn Gott in seiner Rechten alle Wahrheit, und in seiner Linken 
den einzigen immer regen Trieb nach Wahrheit, obschon mit dem Zu- 
satze, mich immer und ewig zu irren, verschlossen hielte, und sprache 
zu mir : Wahle! Ich fiele ihm mit Demut in seine Linke und sagte : 
"Vater gieb ! die reine Wahrheit ist ja doch nur fur dich allein." — 
Goeze, S. 84 ff. ereifert sich sehr liber diese Stelle, und nennt das Ganze 
Unsinn. Es ist interessant, damit zu vergleichen, was der unzweifelhaft 
fromme und christglaubige Karl Gerock dazu sagt. Die betreffende 
Stelle findet sich in seinem Btichlein Ideale und Ilhisionen, S. 26: "Kein 
philosophisches System beut uns die voile und fertige Wahrheit ; aber 
eine Wahrheit giebt es darum fiir den Idealgesinnten doch, und statt mit 
Pilatus blasiert zu fragen: 'Was ist Wahrheit? !' halt er es mit dem tapferen 
Lessing, der das rastlose Forschen nach Wahrheit dem ruhigen Besitz 
derselben vorzieht. ' ' 



1842 ] APPENDIX 349 

Ich finde zu den Worten Lessings in Erich Schmidts Lessing. Bd. II, 
2. Aim 1 .. S. 244, die folgende Anmerkung : "Adolf Harnack schreibt mir 
(d. h. Erich Schmidt): Vielleicht interessiert es Sie imd Ihre Leser, daB 
ein alter Kirchenvater, ja. der erstt kirchliche Theologe im strengen 
Sinne des Worts. Clemens Alexandriims (gest. um 202), ein Dilemma 
gebildet hat, das dem Lessing'schen sehr verwandt ist. Er sagt in semen 
Stromateis. IV, 22, 136 : 'Gesetzt. es schluge jemand dem christlichen 
Denker (ry yvu<jriKO), im Sinn imd Sprachgebrauch des Clemens : dem 
Idealchristen) vor. er moge zwischen der Erkenntnis Gottes und der 
ewigen Seligkeit wahlen — angenommen die beiden Gtiter waren getrennt, 
wahrend sie in Wahrheit streng identisch sind — so wiirde sich der 
christliche Denker keinen Augenblick besinnen imd die Erkenntnis 
Gottes wahlen.' Es ist mir wahrscheinlich, daB der patristisch so aus- 
gezeichnet belesene Lessing diese Stelle gekannt und geradezu aus ihr 
die Anregung geschOpft hat. aus dem ersten Dilemma ein noch feineres 
zweites zu entwickeln. Das ist ganz seine Art, sich durch eine geist- 
volle Bemerkung zu einer noch tieferen anregen zu lassen. Ist die 
Clementinische Stelle der Grundtext fur Lessings Parabel. so tritt die 
Eigenart und Feinheit seines Geistes sowohl in der Form der Erzahlung 
als in den Xebenztigen und dem neuen Acumen besonders deutlich her- 
vor." — Kettner dagegen macht auf eine Stelle bei Leibniz (Nouveatix 
essais L. II, § 36: Op. philos. ed. Erdmann, p. 258) aufmerksam. die 
dem Lessingschen Wort noch naher kommt: "Je trouve qite Fiiiqitietude 
est essentielle a la felicite des creatures* laqnelle ne consiste jamais dajis 
une parfaite possession, qui /es rendroit insensibles et com me stupides, 
mais dans iin pr ogres continueV etc. 

Vgl. auch Anti-Goeze, L. M. xni. 164: "Nun ist die letzte Absicht 
des Christentums nicht unsere Seligkeit, sie mag herkommen woher sie 
will, sondern unsere Seligkeit vermittelst unserer Erleuchtung. " 

Vgl. auch Schiller, Ideal tind Leben : 

"Ach. kein Weg will dahin fiihren, 
Ach, der Himmel iiber mir 
Will die Ei de nie beriihren, 
Und das Dort ist niemals hier." 

Ferner, Bibliolatrie (in der neuen L. M. noch nicht erschienen) - ' 'Ich 
hatte es langst fur meine Pflicht gehalten, mit eigenen Augen zu prtifen, 
quid liqiiidnm sit in causa Christianorum." 

1842. "Ich bin ein JudV 7- Man hat es Lessing sehr veriibelt. daB 
er gerade einen Juden zum Reprasentanten der Idee seines Gedichtes 
gemacht hat. Abgesehen davon. daB er in seiner Vorlage beim Boccaz 
den juden fand. ware er darin wohl auch aus inneren Grtinden zu 



35° NATHAN DER WEISE [ 1845 

rechtfertigen, und kftnnte sich zudem atlf das Beispiel Christi berufen, 
der, wenn er den Juden ihre Pflicht ins Gedachtnis rufen wollte, ihnen 
5fters einen Andersglaubigen als Beispiel hinstellte, so im Gleichnis vom 
guten Samariter {Lukas x, 30 ff.), bei der Re'inigung der zehn Aus- 
satzigen {Lukas xvii, 15-18), im Gleichnis vom Pharisaer und Zollner 
{Lukas xviii, 10-14). Aber wie Christus sicher nicht andeuten wollte, 
daB die betreffenden Tugenden nur auBerhalb des Judentums zu finden 
seien, so ist es auch sicher nicht Lessings Absicht, die Tugend einzig 
ins Judentum zu verlegen. Vielmehr umgekehrt in beiden Fallen ; die 
Tugend, die man vor allem im Juden- resp. Christentum suchen und 
erwarten sollte, wenn die jeweiligen Bekenner mit dem Herzen dabei 
gewesen waren, diese Tugend erscheint in um so hellerem Glanze, wenn 
sie von weniger begnadeten Personen geiibt wird. Es wird ja niemand 
leugnen wollen, da6 das Gebot der Bruderliebe ein neu Gebot ist, das 
erst mit dem Christentum der Welt verkundet wurde. — Zudem bemerkt 
sicher Beyschlag ganz richtig, daB Lessing, wenn er im Nathan nur die 
gegenseitige Duldung der verschiedenen Religionen hatte lehren wollen, 
uns drei wirklich glaubige Reprasentanten der drei positiven Religionen 
hatte vorfiihren miissen, die trotz ihrer Uberzeugungen den andern gegen- 
uber Duldung hatten beweisen miissen {Lessings Nathan der Weise und 
das positive Christentum, S. 10). Nathan ist ein Jude freilich tibrigens, 
wie's nicht viel Juden giebt, d. h. er ist nur dem Namen nach Jude, 
und dasselbe gilt von den andern Charakteren. (Vgl. auch Spielhagen, 
Faust und Nathan, S. 21). Nathan ist als vorchristlicher Jude kaum 
denkbar. Der Klosterbruder, unzweifelhaft der ehrwiirdigste Christ im 
Stuck, hat gar nicht so unrecht, wenn er auch Nathan einen Christen 
nennt : seinem Leben nach ist er es sicher. 

1845. Vgl. dazu Cardanus, L. M. v, 319. "Was ist no 1 tiger, als sich 
von seinem Glauben zu uberzeugen, und was ist unmSglicher als Uber- 
zeugung, ohne vorhergegangene Prtifung? Man sage nicht, daB die 
Pruning seiner eigenen Religion schon zureiche; daB es nicht nStig sei, 
die Merkmale der Gottlichkeit, wenn man sie an dieser schon entdeckt 
habe, auch an anderen aufzusuchen. Man bediene sich des Gleichnisses 
nicht, daB, wenn man einmal den rechten Weg wisse, man sich nicht 

um die Irrwege zu bekummern brauche. Man lernt nicht diese 

durch jenen, sondern jenen durch diese kennen. Und benimmt man 
sich nicht, durch die Anpreisung dieser einseitigen Untersuchung, selbst 
die Hoffnung, daB die Irrglaubigen aus Erkenntnis unsere Briider werden 
kOnnen? Wenn man dem Christen befiehlt, nur die Lehren Christi zu 
untersuchen, so befiehlt man auch dem Mohammedaner, sich nur um die 
Lehre des Mohammed zu bekummern. Es ist wahr, jener wird dartiber 






i«4«5 i APPENDIX ' 351 

in Gefahr kommen, einen besseren Giauben fiir einen schlechteren fahren 
zu lassen ; allein dieser wird auch die Gelegenheit nicht haben, den 
schlechteren mit einem besseren zu verwechsein. Doch was rede ich von 
Gefahr? Der muB ein schwaches Vertrauen auf die ewigen Wahrheiten 
des Heilandes setzen, der sich fiirchtet, sie mit Liigen gegeneinander zu 
halten." — Damit steht in gewissem Widerspruch, was Nathan 1974 ff. 
sagt. Der Weise, wenn er stehen bleibt, wo der Zufall der Geburt ihn 
hmgeworfen, bleibt aus Einsicht, Grtinden, Wahl des Bessern, sagt der 
Sultan. Nathan dagegen sagt, die Religionen sind nur von Seiten ihrer 
Griinde nicht zu unterscheiden, Denn alle sollen sich auf Geschichte, 
geschrieben oder tiberliefert, grtinden ; und Geschichte ist auf Treu und 
Giauben hinzunehmen. Und doch macht Lessing in seinen Gegensdtzen 
zu den Fragmenten darauf aufmerksam (L. M. xn, 429), daB "die Reli- 
gion nicht wahr ist, weil die Evangelisten und Apostel sie lehrten (d. h. 
weil sie geschichtlich wohl verbtirgt sein mag), sondern sie lehrten sie, 
weil sie wahr ist. Aus ihrer inneren Wahrheit mussen die schriftlichen 
Uberlieferungen erklart werden, und alle schriftliche Uberlieferungen 
konnen ihr keine innere Wahrheit geben, wenn sie keine hat." — Und 
seinem Vater gegeniiber nimmt Lessing schon als Zwanzigjahriger fiir 
sich das Recht in Anspruch, mit eigenen Augen zuzusehen, wie es urn 
seine Religion stehe. Auch hier kann Nathan-Lessing nicht wollen, daB 
man blindlings seiner Vater Religion dem inneren Kern nach annehme. 
Auch hier, ja hier vor allem gilt Goethes Wort : 

" Was du ererbt von deinen Vatern hast, 
Erwirb es, um es zu besitzen." 

Nathan hat sicher weniger auf den Kern der Religion, als auf die 
AuBerlichkeiten der verschiedenen Konfessionen Bezug. Ich glaube, 
der Arzt in Auerbachs Auf der Hoke (II. Buch, 4. Kap., Bd. I, S. 131), 
spricht ihm aus der Seele, wenn er sagt: "Majestat, verharren wir in 
unserer angestammten Religion, so konnen wir in ihr frei sein, das 
heiBt in unserm Denken iiber sie hinausgehen ; kein Ketzergericht hat 
mehr Gewalt iiber uns. Bekennen w T ir aber eine neue Religion, so haben 
wir kein Recht mehr, frei zu sein ; wir haben die Pflicht, sie zu be- 
kennen ! Ein geborener Adeliger kann sich zur biirgerlichen Freiheit 
bekennen; einer, der sich adeln laBt, kann das nicht. Und, Majestat, 
lassen Sie mich noch ems sagen : ich betrachte es als ein Gltick fiir die 
Menschheit und fiir unser deutsches Vaterland besonders, daB es keine 
Konfessionseinheit giebt; dadurch allein ist die Humanitat gewahrt, denn 
wir mussen lernen, daB es verschiedene Formen und Seelensprachen fiir 
ein und dasselbe giebt. In der Vielfaltigkeit der Konfessionen liegt eine 



35 2 ' NATHAN DER WEISE [ 1875 

Biirgschaft gegen den Fanatismu-3, wie weiter hinaus eine Bestatigung, 
dafi die auBere Religionsform gleichgiiltig, ich meine, daft man in jeder 
Religion em rechtschaffener Mensch sein kOnne, und sogar ohne auBere 
Religion." 

Auch der Fragmentist (L. M. XII, 320) macht einem Menschen einen 
Vorwurf daraus, wenn er nicht unparteiisch zu Werke geht und gleich 
die vaterliche und groBvaterliche Religion als eine gute Erbschaft antritt 
oder fur bare gottliche Offenbarung halt. 

1875. Locke schrieb in einem Essay unter dem Titel Error, nacli 
Fox Bourne {Life of Locke, Vol. I, p. 306), ungefa.hr im Jahr 1672 : 
The great division a?nong Christians is about opinions. Every sect has 
its set of them and that is called orthodoxy ; and he that professes his 
assent to them, though with an implicit faith and without examining is 
orthodox and in the way to salvation ; but, if he examines and there- 
upon questions any one of them, he is presently suspected of heresy, and, 
if he oppose them or hold the contrary, he is presently condemned as in 
a damnable error, and in the sure zvay to perdition. Of this one may 
say, that there is nor can be nothing more wrong. For he that examines 
and upon a fair examination embraces ail error for a truth, has done 
his duty more than he who embraces the profession of the truth {for the 
truths themselves he does not embrace) without having examined whether 
it be true or no. For, if it be our duty to search after truth, he 
certainly that has searched after it, though he has not found it, in some 
points has paid a more acceptable obedience to the will of his Maker than 
he that has not searched at all, but professes to have found truth when 
he has neither searched nor found it; for he that takes up the opinions 
of any church in the lump, without examining them, has truly neither 
searched after nor found truth, but has only found those that he thinks 
have found truth, and so receives what they say with an implicit faith, 
and so pays them the homage that is due only to God." 

Noch eine andere bedeutsame Stelle in demselben Essay ist wohl 
des Anfiihrens wert. Sie bildet zugleich einen weiteren Kommentar zu 
Nathan, 360 und 1587 ff. Locke macht es zunachst einem jeden zur 
Pflicht, sich nicht zum Richter iiber die Handlungen anderer Menschen 
aufzuwerfen, sondern fur sein Teil gut zu leben und seiner besonderen 
Pflicht zu genugen, und fahrt dann fort : U I lay it down as a principle of 
Christianity that the right and only way to saving orthodoxy {i. e. ortho- 
doxy that will save) is the sincere and steady purpose of a good life. — 
Here we may see the difference between the orthodoxy required by the 
several sects or, as they are called, churches of Christians. The ortho- 
doxy required by the several sects is a profession of believing the whole 



1 875 3 APPENDIX 353 

bundle of their respective articles set down in each church's system, with- 
out knowing the rules of every one's particular duty, or requwing a 
sincere or strict obedience to them. But it is to be observed that this is 
much better fitted to get and retain church members than the other way, 
inasmuch as it is easier to make profession of believing a certain collection 
of opinions that one never perhaps so much as reads, and several whereof 
one could not perhaps understand if one did read and study {for no more 
is required than a profession to believe them, expressed in an acquiescence 
that suffers one not to question or contradict any of them), than it is to 
practice the duties of a good life hi a sincere obedience to those precepts 
of the gospel wherein his actions are concerned — precepts not hard to be 
known by those who are ready and willing to obey them." 

Bourne sagt liber Locke: il 'Locke had his own opi?iions about the truths 
of Christianity , opinions which some may think unwarranted and others may 
regard as altogether incomplete But he maintained that his own opinions 
a?id other people's opinions on all matters of faith must be separated 
from the plain and fundamental and sufficient rule of Christianity, the 
sincere and steady purpose of a good life" 

Ahnlich sagt Mendelssohn: '" Dogmatisch in dem strengsten Verstande 
in Absicht auf mich. habe ich, was die wichtigsten Punkte der Religion 
und Sittenlehre betrifft, meine Partei genommen . . . bin aber eben so skep- 
tisch, wenn ich meinen Xachsten richten soil. Ich raume einem jeden 
das Recht ein, das ich mir anmaBe, und setze das gr5Bte MiBtrauen 
in meine Krafte, irgend jemanden, der auch Partei genommen hat, von 
meiner Meinung tiberfuhren zu konnen." (Kettner, S. 23, A.) 

In der Erziehung des Menschengeschlechts, § 76 ff. (L. M. XIII, 432), 
besteht Lessing darauf, daB das Recht, die geoffenbarten "Wahrheiten in 
Vernunftwahrheiten zu verwandeln, nicht beanstandet warden diirfe. 
Die dazu nOtigen Spekulationen allein k5nnen uns zu jener vQlligen 
Aufklarung gelangen lassen, uns diejenige Reinigkeit des Herzens her- 
vorzubringen befahigen, die uns die Tugend um ihrer selbst willen zu 
lieben fahig macht, wozu der Mensch bestimmt ist. — Da 8 zur Er- 
reichung der Wahrheit ernstes Streben notwendig ist, deutet Lessing 
in noch vielen andern Stellen an. Ich fiihre nur noch eine an aus 
seiner Vorrede, etc., zu yerusalems philosophise/ten Atifsatzen, L. M. XII, 
293 ff. "Und dazu lernte ich ihn eigentlich nur von einer Seite kennen. 
— Allerdings zwar war das gleich diejenige Seite. von der sich meines 
Bediinkens so yiel auf alle iibrige schlieBen laBt. Es war die Neigung, 
das Talent, mitder sich alle gute Neigungen so wohl vertragen. welches 
kein einziges Talent ausschliefit; nur daB man bei ihm so viele andere 
Talente lieber nicht haben mag und, wenn man sie hat, vernach- 



354 NATHAN DER WEISE [ 1889 

lassiget. Es war die Neigung zu deutlicher Erkenntnis, das Talent, 
die Wahrheit bis in ihre letzte Schlupfwinkel zu verfolgen. Es war 
der Geist der kalten Betrachtung. Aber ein warmer Geist und so viel 
schatzbarer, der sich nicht abschrecken lieB, wenn ihm die Wahrheit 
auf seinen Verfolgungen ofters entwischte, nicht an ihrer Mitteilbarkeit 
verzweifelte, weil sie sich in Abwege vor ihm verlor, wohin er 
schlechterdings ihr nicht folgen konnte." 

1889. Goeze geht oft mit Lessings Marchen und Gleichnissen arg 
ins Gericht, so S. 8 : " Ich will die Sache mit einem Bilde auf klaren. 
Herr L. wird solches um so viel weniger an mir tadeln, da seine 
grftBeste Starke in dem Gebrauche dieser Methode bestehet." S. 48: 
Goeze fordert von Lessing, daB er ein Glaubensbekenntnis ablege: 
"eine Forderung, die ihm sehr ungelegen fallen, und welche er bald 
mit einem hohnenden Gleichnisse abweisen wird." S. 53: "Gleich 
anfangs iibertrifft Herr L. sich selbst in der Kunst, schwachen Lesern 
durch Bilder uber Bilder einen blauen Dunst vorzumachen und ihnen 
gefarbte Brillen aufzusetzen. " — Lessing wehrt natiirlich gelegentlich 
solche Angriffe spitzig ab. 

1900. Ja, ja, wenns n5tig ist und ntitzt : Ahnlich Dramaturgies 
I. Stiick, L. M. ix, 187: "Die zweite Anmerkung betrifft das 
christliche Trauerspiel insbesondere. Die Helden desselben sind meh- 
renteils Martyrer. Nun leben wir zu einer Zeit, in welcher die Stimme 
der gesunden Vernunft zu laut erschallet, als daB jeder Rasende, der 
sich mutwillig, ohne alle Not, mit Verachtung aller seiner burgerlichen 
Obliegenheiten, in den Tod sturzet, den Titel eines Martyrers sich an- 
maBen dtirfte. Wir wissen itzt zu wohl, die falschen Martyrer von den 
wahren zu unterscheiden ; wir verachten jene eben so sehr, als wir 
diese verehren, und h5chstens k5nnen sie uns eine melancholische 
Thrane iiber die Blindheit und den Unsinn auspressen, deren wir die 
Menschheit uberhaupt in ihnen fahig erblicken." Vgl. auch die An- 
merkung zu 1588. 

1974 ff. Sehr viele Stellen lieBen sich als Parallelen zu den hier 
vertretenen Ansichten anfuhren. So sagt der Ungenannte in dem 
zweiten Fragment (L. M. xn, 316 m), das sich durchweg mit der Offen- 
barung beschaftigt, auf Seite 352 : "Wir haben aber noch die wich- 
tigste und allerschwerste Untersuchung ubrig. Soil ein Buch als die 
gOttliche Offenbarung, als der Grund des Glaubens und der Seligkeit 
angenommen werden, so muB ja wohl ein Mensch erst recht klar und 
deutlich uberfuhrt sein, daB die Schrift Gottes Wort sei, und daB die 
Verfasser, welche sonst ohnstreitig sundliche Menschen gewesen wie 
andere, dieses voraus gehabt, daB ihnen Gott alles eingefloBet, und 



1974.1 APPENDIX 355 

daB sie sich darin weder selbst betrogen, noch andere betrtigen wollen . . . 
Es ist artig, wie diese schwere und wichtige Sache denen Leuten er- 
leichtert wird. Die Kinder lernen ein halb Dutzend Sprt che aus der 
Bibel, darin gesagt wird, daB die Bibel Gottes Wort sei ; so sind sie 
darnach ihr ganzes Leber hindurch mit Hilfe ihres Gedachtnisses im 
Christentume vortrefflich gegriindet und wider alien Zweifel und An- 
fechtung bewahret. Die Offenbarung hat denn allein das Vorrecht, sich 
per petitionem principii zu erweisen: Die Schreiber sind von Gott ge- 
trieben, denn sie sagen es; Beweis genug! nur schade, daB denn doch 
allein die wahre Offenbarung solch Vorrecht haben kann, die falschen 
aber nicht, und daB folglich die UngewiBheit bleibt, welche die wahre 
Offenbarung sei, mithin die Notigkeit solcher Untersuchung aus besseren 
Griinden bestatiget wird." 

Ahnlich Lessings : Beweis des Geistes und der Kraft (L. M. xin, 
if.) Auch im Cardanus, L. M. v, 321 : "Cardan hatte es bei den 
historischen Griinden konnen bewenden lassen. Denn wer weiB nicht, 
daB, wenn diese nur ihre Richtigkeit haben, man sonst alle Schwierig- 
keiten unter das Joch des Glaubens zwingen miisse ? Allein er ist zu 
klug, diese Aufopferung der Vernunft, so gerade hin, zu fordern. Er 
behauptet vielmehr, daB die ganze Lehre Christi nichts enthalte, was 
mit der Moral und mit der natiirlichen Weltweisheit streite, oder mit 
ihr in keine Einstimmung kSnne gebracht werden." — 

Recht stark kommt Lessings Zweifel in Bezug auf historisch iiber- 
lieferte Beweise in seinen Gesprachenfi'ir die Frei?naurer zum Ausdruck. 
Falck hat erwiesen, daB trotz vieler gegenstreitender Behauptungen der 
Name Freimaurer nicht vor dem Beginn seines Jahrhunderts gebrauch- 
lich gewesen. Ernst antwortet darauf (L. M. xin, 404) : ' ; Und das 
hatten sie so lange ungeriigt vor den Augen der Welt treiben durfen? 
— Falck: Warum nicht ? Der Klugen sind viel zu wenig, als daB sie 
alien Geckereien gleich bei ihrem Entstehen widersprechen k5nn- 
ten. Genug, daB bei ihnen keine Verjahrung stattfindet. — Freilich 
ware es besser, wenn man vor dem Publico ganz und gar keine 
Geckereien unternahme; denn gerade das Verachtlichste ist, daB sich 
niemand die Miihe nimmt, sich ihnen entgegenzustellen, wodurch sie 
mit dem Laufe der Zeit das Ansehen einer sehr ernsthaften, heiligen 
Sache gewinnen. Da heiBt es dann iiber tausend Jahre: Wiirde man 
denn so in die Welt haben schreiben durfen, wenn es nicht wahr ge- 
wesen ware? Man hat diesen glaubwiirdigen Mannern damals nicht 
widersprochen, und Ihr wollt ihnen jetzt widersprechen? — Ernst: 
O Geschichte ! O Geschichte ! Was bist du?" 

In den Gegensdtzen zu den Fragme7iten sagt Lessing (L. M. XII, 



35<> NATHAN DER WEISE f 1895 

435) : "Aber beider (der Chiromantie und der Offenbarung) Beweise 
sind doch aus der namlichen Klasse, sie grtinden sich beide auf Zeug- 
nisse und Erfahrungssatze. Und das Abstechende der starksten Be- 
weise dieser Art gegen Beweise, die aus der Natur der Dinge flieBen, 
ist so auffallend, daB alle Kunst, dieses Auffallende zu vermindern, 
dieses Abstechende durch allerlei Schattierungen sanfter zu machen, 
vergebens ist." 

1985. S. auch Appendix, 1309. Zu Adam Neuser bemerkt Lessing, 
L. M. XII, 267 : "Als Neuser so weit gekommen war, daB er sich 
kein Bedenken machte, zur mohammedanischen Religion iiberzutreten, 
war er doch vermutlich kein Phantast, der sich von der Wahrheit der 
mohammedanischen Religion als geoffenbarter Religion, vorziiglich vor 
der christlichen, uberzeugt fiihlte, sondern er war ein Deist, der eine 
geoffenbarte Religion fur so erdichtet hielt als die andere und den nur 
die auBerste Verfolgung zu einem Tausch brachte, an den er nie wiirde 
gedacht haben, wenn er irgendwo in der Christenheit die Duldung zu 
finden gewuBt hatte, auf welcher unser Unbekannte fur solcher Art 
Leute dringt." Das hieBe also, nicht aus Uberzeugung, sondern aus 
Gleichgultigkeit verharrt man in der angestammten Religion. — Nament- 
lich aber der Fragmentist hat fur unsere Stelle wieder das Vorbild 
gegeben, wie auch Gross hervorhebt. Er sagt L.M. XII, 325: "Zuweilen 
wird schon in den Ehepakten der Eltern den Kindern, die noch sollen 
geboren werden, ihr Glaube als ein Erbgut, als ihre vaterliche oder 
mutterliche Portion bestimmt: die Knaben bekommen etwa den katho- 
lischen, die Madchen den lutherischen Glauben. Und siehe, sie neh- 
men ihn, wie alle iibrigen Religionen und Sekten, nach den Ehepakten, 
nach dem Willen und Bestimmung ihrer Eltern, nach dem Exempel 
ihrer Vorfahren getrost an und kSnnen nicht anders handeln. Wer 
kann von solchen Kindern eine Fahigkeit fordern, daB sie die Wahr- 
heit dessen, was sie lernen, beurteilen und, so sie im Irrtume waren, 
eine bessere Religion suchen und finden sollten? Wer kann ihnen 
verdenken, daB sie bei dem Vertrauen, bei dem Gehorsame, so sie 
ihren Eltern schuldig sind, auch derselben ihre Religion fur wahr und 
fur die beste halten?" — Uber den Wert der Tradition vom Vater auf 
das Kind sagt aber der Ungenannte L. M. xn, 320: "Wie vielmuB nicht 
ferner in so manchen Jahrhunderten die Glaubwurdigkeit abnehmen, 
wenn einer, der dergleichen zu seiner Zeit von einem andern fur wahr 
halt, solches seinen Kindern, die Kinder wieder seinen Enkeln, die 
Enkel seinen Urenkeln und so weiter erzahlen ! Da wird aus der aller- 
groBten Glaubwurdigkeit eine Wahrscheinlichkeit, dann eine Sage und 
zuletzt ein Marlein." 



2025 ] APPENDIX 357 

Ganz denselben Gedanken finden wir aber auch in Rousseaus Emile. 
wie iiberhaupt sich beim Vicaire Savoyard recht viele Gedan- 
ken finden, die man in den Fragmenten und bei Lessing wieder 
antrifft. Die betr. Stelle, Rousseau, Emile IV {Edition stereotype, oVapres 
le procede de Firmin Didot, tonie II? p. 301) lautet : " Voulez-vous mitiger 
cette methode, et donner la moindre prise a Vautorite des kommes ? 
a V instant vous lid rendez tout; et si le fils d'un chretien fait bien de 
suivre, sans un examen profond et impartial, la religio7i de so?i pere, 
pourquoi le pi Is d'un Turc feroit-il mal de suivre de meme la religion 
dusien? Combien d'hommes sont a Rome tres bons catholiques, qui. pa,r 
la mefneraison, seroient tres bons inusulmans s'ils fusseiit nes a la Mecque! 
et reciproquement que d'honnetes gens sont tres bons Turcs en Asie, qui 
s-roient tres bons chretiens parmi nous! ye defie tous les in- 
tolerants du monde de repondre a cela rien qui contente tin hom?ne 
sense." 

2025. "Eure Ringe sind alle drei nicht echt." Uber die Ent- 
stehung der geoffenbarten Religion, L. M. xiv, 313 : "Die Unentbehr- 
lichkeit einer positiven Religion, vermoge welcher die natiirliche 
Religion in jedem Staate nach dessen naturlicher und zufalliger Be- 
schaffenheit modifiziert wird, nenne ich die innere Wahrheit derselben, 
und diese innere Wahrheit derselben ist bei einer so groB als bei der 
andern. — Alle positiven und geoffenbarten Religionen sind folglich 
gleich wahr und gleich falsch. — Gleich wahr, insofern es uberail 
gleich notwendig gewesen ist, sich iiber verschiedene Dinge zu ver- 
gleichen, um Ubereinstimmung und Einigkeit in der offentlichen 
Religion hervorzubringen. Gleich falsch, indem nicht sowohl das, 
woriiber man sich verglichen, neben dem Wesentlichen besteht, sondern 
das Wesentliche schwacht und verdrangt. — Die beste geoffenbarte oder 
positive Religion ist die, welche die wenigsten konventionellen Zusatze 
zur naturlichen Religion enthalt, die guten Wirkungen der naturlichen 
Religion am wenigsten einschrankt. " — Ich meine, man miiBte dem- 
nach unter dem echten Ring die natiirliche Religion verstehen, welchem 
sich die andern Ringe, je nach ihrer Wirksamkeit mehr oder weniger 
nahern. Oder aber die positive Religion, welche die guten Wirkungen 
der naturlichen Religion am wenigsten einschrankt. Ich glaube, man 
darf es wohl fur festgestellt erachten, daB auch Lessing von den drei 
in Frage kommenden Religionen in dieser Beziehung dem Christen- 
tum den Vorrang giebt, d. h. natiirlich dem Christentum nach seinem 
inneren Kern. In einer Rezension vom Jahr 1755 (L. M. VII, S. I) 
sagt Lessing: "Das starkste innere Kennzeichen. woran man die einige 
wahre Religion erkennen kann, ist ohne Zweifel dieses, daB sie eine 



358 NATHAN DER WEISE [2025 

vollkommene Richtschnur des sittlichen Lebens dcr Menschen lehren 
und zugleich einen iiberzeugenden Unterricht erteilen muB, wie man, 
in'Ansehung der Abweichungen von derselben, Gnade und Vergebung 
erlangen kOnne. Da nun aber die christliche Religion die einzige ist, 
der man diese Eigenschaft zugestehen muB, so wird man auch zuge- 
stehen miissen, daB ihre Wahrheit von dieser Seite iiber alle Einwiirfe 
hinweg gesetzt sei." — Es liegt aber nahe anzunehmen, daB Lessing 
schon hier unter der chr. Religion die Religion verstand, die er sonst 
im Gegensatz als die Religion Christi bezeichnete, von welcher er so- 
wohl als der Ungenannte meinte, sie enthalte nichts, was sich mit den 
Grundsatzen der natiirlichen Religion nicht vereinen lasse. DaB es 
nicht das orthodoxe Christentum seiner Zeit gewesen sein kann, lieBe 
sich aus unzahligen Stellen beweisen. So sagt Lessing in einem Brief 
an Mendelssohn. (9. Jan. 1771): "Noch mehr aber bitte ich Sie, wenn 
Sie darauf (d. h. auf Lavaters neue Bekehrungsversuche) antworten, es 
mit aller moglichen Freiheit, mit allem nur ersinnlichen Nachdrucke 
zu thun. Sie allein diirfen und konnen in dieser Sache so sprechen 
und schreiben und sind daher unendlich glucklicher als andere ehr- 
liche Leute, die den Umsturz des abscheulichsten Gebaudes von Un- 
sinn nicht anders als unter dem Vorwande es neu zu unterbauen, 
bef5rdern konnen." (Das war sicher auch der Zweck, den Lessing in 
seinen Gegensatzen zu den Fragment en verfolgte). — Gegen die An- 
nahme, daB die naturliche Religion unter dem echten Ring zu ver- 
stehen sei, spricht scheinbar V. 2035-6 ; denn bei ihr diirfte doch von 
einer Tyrannei nicht die Rede sein. Man konnte versucht sein zu 
glauben, daB zwar Nathan nicht, wohl aber Lessing mit dem echten 
Ring die christliche Religion, oder, wie er lieber will, die Religion 
Christi, gemeint habe. Auch in der Erziehung des Menschengeschlech- 
tes wird angedeutet, daB mit dem Kommen Christi neue, edlere Ele- 
mente in die judische Religion eingefuhrt wurden. Ein wichtiges 
Zeugnis far diese Annahme ware auch aus dem Cardanus zu ent- 
nehmen (L. M. v, 321): "Endlich sehe man auch, wie griindlich er von 
dem Beweise der Fortpnanzung der christlichen Religion redet. Er 
beriihrt nichts davon, als was wirklich eine schlieBende Kraft* hat 
. . . und bemerkt auch etwas, was ich nur von wenigen bemerkt finde. 
Dieses namlich, daB unsere Religion auch alsdann nicht aufgehort hat, 
sich die Menschen unterwurfig zu machen, da sie von innerlichen 
Sekten zerrissen und verwirret war. Ein wichtiger Umstand ! Ein 
Umstand, welcher notwendig zeigt, daB in ihr etwas sein musse, wel- 
ches unabhanglich von alien Streitigkeiten seine Kraft zu alien Zeiten 
* Vgl. sprachlich: das schliesst fur mich, Zeile 237. 



2454] APPENDIX 359 

auBert. Und was kann dieses anders sein, als die immer siegende 
Wahrheit?" Das sind Lessings, nicht Cardans Worte. 

2439. "Will es denn eine Klasse von Leuten nie lernen, daB es- 
schlechterdings nicht wahr ist, daB jemals ein Mensch wissentlich und 
vorsatzlich sich selbst verblendet habe? Es ist nicht wahr, sag' ich; 
aus keinem geringern Grunde, als weil es nicht moglich ist." Duplik, 
L. M. xiii, 23. Goeze, Streitschr., S. 6, sagt dagegen: "Das innere 
Zeugnis des heiligen Geistes, welches sich durch die Kraft der heil. 
Schrift an den Seelen derer offenbaret, welche der Wahrheit nicht 
mutwillig widerstreben (vielleicht ist dieses dem Herrn L. lacherlich ? 
auf seine Gefahr !) muB hier notwendig die Ehre behaupten, unser 
Herz in der Wahrheit Gottes fest zu machen." 

2445. Vgl. dazu Axiomata, L. M. xiii, 135-6: "Sollen denn, 
miissen denn alle Christen zugleich Theologen sein? Ich habe noch 
immer die besten Christen unter denen gefunden, die von der Theologie 
am wenigsten wuBten. " Ahnlich der Philosoph, den Lessing inseinem 
Aufsatz iiber die Herrnhuter auftreten laBt. Vgl. Appendix 35. 

2454. Zum Patriarchen ware zu vergleichen, was Lessing iiber 
Ismenor, den Priester in Cronegks Olint und Sophronia, sagt. Die 
Stelle fmdet sich im 2. Stuck der Drainaturgie (L. M. ix, 192): "Ich 
weiB wohl, die Gesinnungen miissen in dem Drama dem angenommenen 
Charakter der Person, welche sie auBert, entsprechen; sie kcmnen also 
das Siegel der absoluten Wahrheit nicht haben ; genug, wenn sie poe- 
tisch wahr sind, wenn wir gestehen miissen, daB dieser Charakter, in 
dieser Situation, bei dieser Leidenschaft, nicht anders als so habe 
urteilen kOnnen. Aber audi diese poetische Wahrheit muB sich, auf 
einer andern Seite, der absoluten wiederum nahern, und der Dichter 
muB nie so unphilosophisch denken, daB er annimmt, ein Mensch 
konne das Bose, um des Bosen wegen, wollen, er k5nne nach laster- 
haften Grundsatzen handeln, das Lasterhafte derselben erkennen, und 
doch gegen sich und andere damit prahlen. Ein solcher Mensch ist 
ein Unding, so graBlich als ununterrichtend, und nichts als die arm- 
selige Zuflucht eines schalen Kopfes, der schimmernde Tiraden fur die 
hOchste Schonheit des Trauerspieles halt. Wenn Ismenor ein grau- 
samer Priester ist, sind darum alle Priester Ismenors? Man wende 
nicht ein, daB von Priestern einer falschen Religion die Rede sei. So 
falsch war noch keine in der Welt, daB ihre Lehrer notwendig Un- 
menschen sein miissen. Priester haben in den falschen Religionen, so 
wie in der wahren, Unheil gestiftet, aber nicht weil sie Priester, son- 
dern weil sie Bosewichter waren, die, zum Behuf ihrer schlimmen 
Neigungen, die Vorrechte auch eines jeden andern Standes gemiB- 



360 NATHAN DER WEISE [ 2476 

braucht hatten." — Brief an C. A. Schmid, 23. Mai 1770: "Als ob man 
nicht in jeder Kirche sehr rechtglaubig sein und dennoch ein arger- 
liches Leben fiihren konnte?" 

2476 f. In dem ersten Fragment (L. M. xn, 311) greift Reimarus 
die Theologen an, weil sie von den Laien fordern, ' ' daB sie ihre Ver- 
nunft gefangen nehmen mussen unter dem Gehorsam des Glaubens." 
Er weist nach, daB in der betreffenden Stelle (II. Cor. x, 4-5) Paulus 
nicht von der Vernunft, sondern von Vernunftschliissen redet, die sehr 
wohl falsch sein kOnnen. "Aber die Vernunft selbst, mit ihren ewigen 
Grundregeln, ist nicht zu widerlegen, und wir mussen sie auch nimmer 
fahren lassen, wo. wir uns nicht in unvernunftige Irrttimer stiirzen 
wollen. Warum heiBt man uns denn die Vernunft selbst gefangen 
nehmen? Kann dies wohl einen andern Verstand erwecken, . . . . als 
daB die Leute ihre Vernunft, da sie doch von Dingen, die des Gottes 
sind, nichts versteht, immer bei sich unterdrticken, und ganzlich un- 
gebraucht lassen mussen, wenn sie gute Christen sein wollen." — Paulus 
widerlegte die Vernunftschliisse der Corinther und gewann sie so fur 
den christlichen Glauben. Das thun aber unsere Theologen nicht. 
1 'Das ist nicht der rechte Weg: erst die Kinder in der Wiege par force 
zu Christen zu taufen und ihnen dabei einen christlichen Glauben und 
Verlangen nachder Taufe anzudichten: sie darnach, vor dem Gebrauche 
der Vernunft, ohne alle verniinftige Religion, zu einem blinden Glau- 
ben an die Bibel und deren Lehre anzufiihren, und solchen Glauben 
durch Furcht und Hoffnung, durch Himmel und Holle, tief in die 
zarten Gemuter einzupragen: endlich aber, wenn die Ja,hre der Uber- 
legung und Prufung des Glaubens kommen sind, sie vor dem Ge- 
brauch 4 der bloden und verdorbenen Vernunft sorgfaltig zu warnen, und 
von ihnen zu verlangen, daB sie ihre Vernunft zum Voraus gefangen 
nehmen sollen unter dem Gehorsam desjenigen Glaubens, der ihnen 
bloB durch ein kindliches Vorurteil eingefl5Bet war." Vgl. den ganzen 
Aufsatz : "Von Verschreiung der Vernunft von den Kanzeln." 
L. M. xii, 304 f. 

Fast noch scharfer driickt sich der Fragmentist in dem Aufsatz 
Von Duldung der Deisten aus. L. M. xn, 260: "Die Wahrheit 
muB durch Griinde ausgemacht werden, und sie stehet ihren Gegnern 
kein Verjahrungsrecht zu . . . Sind die Theologi allein privilegiert, 
daB sie keine Rede und Antwort geben diirfen (= brauchen) von den 
Satzen, welche sie andern zu glauben auf burden?" 

2487. Appendix 385. An anderer Stelle deutet Lessing an, daB 
Gott als das vollkommenste Wesen in seinem Handeln durchaus ge- 
bunden ist ; und all sein Handeln ist gut ; der Patriarch dagegen deutet 



25 16] APPENDIX 361 

in den auf 2487 folgenden Versen an, dafi das, was nach den klei- 
nen Regeln einer eiteln Ehre schlecht — in diesem Fall den Saladin 
verraterisch und meuchlings zu ermorden — vor Gott gut sein kaim. 
Vgl. dazu eine der Hauptregeln der Jesuiten, die natiirlich audi fiir 
den Patriarchen gilt. "Auf die innere Beschaftenheit der Handlung 
kann es natiirlich nicht ankommen, da sie in dem hohen Zwecke ihre 
Berechtigung und Heiligung nndet ; daher wird selbst die Handlung, 
welche, abgesehen von diesem Zwecke, eine Todsiinde oder ein Ver- 
brechen sein wiirde, zur Tugend." Ed. Niemeyer, Continental' zu Nathan. 

25 1 1. "Folget aus dem bloB moglichen Fall nicht eben das, was 
aus dem wirklichen folgen wiirde?" fragt Lessing den Pastor Goeze, 
als dieser in seinen Streitschriften fiir ein von Lessing erzahltes Histor- 
chen den Beweis verlangte, dafi es wirklich geschehen sei. Und im 
zehnten Anti-Goeze, L. M. xiii, 201 : ''Wenn der Herr Hauptpastor 
unter diese neugierigen spielenden Kinder nicht selbst gerechnet wer- 
den will, so sage er doch nur, in welcher ernsthaften Absicht sonst. er 
gem den Namen meines Ungenannten wissen mochte. Kann er seine 
Asche noch einmal zu Asche brennen lassen? Sollen seine Gebeine in 
der Erde, welche sie willig aufnahm, nicht langer ruhen?" 

2516. Rousseau, Entile. IV, p. 280 f: u 0u tontes /es religions 
sont bonnes et agreables a Dieu, on. s'il en est une qu'il prescrive aux 
homines et qu'il les punisse de meconnoiire. il lui a donne des signes 
certains et manifest es pour etre distinguee comme pour la seule veri- 
table : ces signes sont, de toils les temps et de tons les lieux, egalement 
sens ib les a tons les homines grands et petit s, savants et ignorants, 
Europeens. Indiens. Africains. sauvages. S'il e'toit tine religion sur la 
terre hors de laquelle il riy eul que peine eternelle, et qii en quelque 
lieu du monde un seul mortel de bonne foi rtettt pas ete frappe de son 
evidence, le Dieu de cette religion seroit le plus inique et le plus cruel 
de tyrans" 

Ahnlich wird auch im zweiten Fragment (L. M. XII, 313 f) zu er- 
weisen gesucht, daB alle anderen Fahigkeiten des Menschen ihrem Zweck 
entsprechen. also nicht verdorben sein konnen, und es ist auch kein 
Grund, die menschliche Vernunft allein zu verachten und ihren Ge- 
brauch zu untersagen, In der That untersagen die Herren Theologi den- 
selben auch nur andern ; selbst aber widerlegen sie einander eben mit 
Vernunftschliissen. (S. 305): "Sondern man schreckt vielmehr diejeni- 
gen, welche nun Lust bekommen mochten, nachzudenken und auf den 
Grund ihres bisherigen blinden Glaubens zu forschen, von dem Ge- 
brauche Hirer edelsten Xatur^abe. der Vernunft. ab. Die Vernunft 
wird ihnen als eine scnwaciie, blinde, ^erdorbene und verfiihr er is ch? 



362 NATHAN DER WEISE [2522 

Leiterin abgemalt, damit die Zuhftrer, welche noch nicht einmal recht 
wissen, was Vernunft oder verniinftig heiBe, jetzt bange werden, ihre 
Vernunft zur Erkenntnis gottlicher Dinge anzuwenden, weil sie da- 
durch leicht zu gefahrlichen Irrtiimern gebracht werden mochten." 
In seinen Gegensatzen, L. M. xn, 433. giebt Lessing dem Fragmen- 
tisten zum guten Teil recht, namentlich darin, daB die Vernunft an 
sich nicht verderbt sei. An anderer Stelle geht der Fragmentist gar 
so weit, zu behaupten, daB "die gesunde Vernunft und das Naturge- 
setz die eigentliche Quelle aller Pnichten und Tugenden sei, woraus 
Christus selbst und die Apostel ihre Vorschriften geschopft haben." 

2522. Vgl. Goeze, Streitschriften, 7 und 8: "So viel kann ich 
zum Voraus sagen : werde ich in diesen Blattern eben die Logik fin- 
den, welche Herr L. in den ubrigen, die Fragmente betreffenden 
Schriften gebraucht hat ; so ist er keiner Antwort wiirdig. Denn 
Sophismen, Equivocen, Fallacien, falsche, und schwache Leser blen- 
dende Bilder, statt der Griinde ; Schltisse und Axiomen, . aus vieldeuti- 
gen, und von ihm nicht bestimmten Worten, Holm und Naseriimpfen 
iiber die Gegner, haben in der gelehrten Welt eben den Wert, den 
falsche Wiirfel in der biirgerlichen haben. Die Theaterlogik, und die 
Logik, welche in theologischen Streitigkeiten, insonderheit in denen, 
welche die Wahrheit der christlichen Religion entscheiden sollen, ge- 
braucht werden muB, sind himmelweit unterschieden. Die erste kann 
auf die Zuschauer groBe Wirkung thun, und diejenige, welche Goethe 
in seiner schandlichen Stella gebraucht hat, um die Hurerei und Viel- 
weiberei zu rechtfertigen, hat 5fters den Zuschauern ein Jautes Jauch- 
zen und ein heftiges Klatschen abgelocket. Allein alle Rechtschaffene 
verabscheuen solche auf dem theologischen Kampfplatze, so wie sie in 
juristischen Streitigkeiten die Chicane verabscheuen. In der Theater- 
logik ist Herr L. ein groBer Meister, aber er hat von derselben in sei- 
nen bisherigen, in ein ganz anderes Feld gehorigen Schriften bestandig 
Gebrauch gemacht . . . Allein es werden sich Manner finden, die seinen 
Fechterstreichen mit gehorigem Nachdruck zu begegnen wissen, und 
die ihm zeigen, daB er mit seiner Ubertragung der Theaterlogik auf 
den theologischen Kampfplatz selbst, die vom Aristoteles so hoch ver- 
botene jLceraj3aoLv elg uXko yevog begehe, mit welcher der Verfasser 
des Bogens : Uber den Beweis des Geistes und der Kraft, den Herrn 
Dir. Schumann, aber zu seiner eigenen Schande, zu verwirren gesucht 
hat." — S. 97: "Doch von einem Heterogeneo auf das andere, oder 
von dem Stocke im Winkel auf den morgenden Regen zu schlieBen, 
das verstattet seine Theaterlogik." 

Es ist schade, daB wir nicht auch Lessings launige Antwort ganz 



2542] APPENDIX 363 

hersetzen kOnnen. Sie findet sich im zweiten Anti-Goeze, L. M. 
xiii, 148 £, und ist zugleich ein vortreffliches Urteil iiber Lessings Stil. 
Wir miissen uns mit einem kleinen Auszug begniigen : ' ' Aber, Herr 
Hauptpastor, das ist mein Stil, und mein Stil ist nicht meine Logik. — 
Doch ja ! Allerdings soil auch meine Logik sein, was mein Stil ist : 
eine Theaterlogik. So sagen Sie. Aber sagen Sie, was Sie wollen s 
die gute Logik ist immer die namliche, man mag sie anwenden, wo- 
rauf man will. Sogar die Art, sie anzuwenden, ist uberall die nam- 
liche. Wer Logik in einer KomOdie zeigt, dem wiirde sie gewiB 
auch zu einer Predigt nicht entstehen : so wie der, dem sie in einer 
Predigt mangelt, nimmermehr mit ihrer Hilfe auch eine nur ertrag- 
liche Kom5die zustande bringen wiirde, und wenn er der unerschopf- 
lichste SpaBvogel unter der Sonne ware." 

2531. Ahnliche Intoleranz hatte schon der Fragmentist den Chri- 
sten zur Last gelegt. Lessing sagt dariiber in seinen Zusatzen zum 
Fragment Von Duldung der Deisten, — L. M. xii, 267: "Neuser war 
ein Deist, der eine geoffenbarte Religion fiir so erdichtet hielt als die 
andere, und den nur die auBerste Verfolgung zu einem Tausche 
brachte, an den er nie wiirde gedacht haben, wenn er irgendwo in der 
Christenheit die Duldung zu finden gewuBt hatte, auf welche unser 
Unbekannte fiir solcher Art Leute dringet." 

2537. Vgl. Berengarius, L. M. XI, 62: ''Das Ding, was man 
Ketzer nennt, hat eine sehr gute Seite. Es ist ein Mensch, der mit 
seinen eigenen Augen wenigstens sehen wollen. Die Frage ist nur, ob 
es gute Augen gewesen, mit welchen er selbst sehen wollen. Ja, in 
gewissen Jahrhunderten ist der Name Ketzer die groBte Empfehlung, 
die von einem Gelehrten auf die Nachwelt gebracht werden kftnnen : 
noch grOBer als der Name Zauberer, Magus, Teufelsbanner ; denn 
unter diesen lauft doch mancher Betriiger mit unter." 

2542. Vgl. Von Duldung der Deisten, L. M. xii, 258: "Was ist 
also an der Heuchelei so vieler bedriickten Verniinftigen anders schuld, 
als der mit so manchem zeitlichen Ungliick verkniipfte Glaubenszwang, 
welchen die Herren Theologi und Prediger, vermoge ihrer Schmahun- 
gen und Verfolgungen, den Bekennern einer verniinftigen Religion bis 
in den Tod anlegen ? " 

"Wahrlich, solch Verfahren ist auf alle Weise zu miBbilligen. 
Ein Mensch, der ohne sein Wissen in der ersten Kindheit mit Gewalt 
zum Christen getaufet ist, und dem man den Glauben teils falschlich 
andichtet, teils in den unverstandigen Jahren ohne Vernunft einge- 
pragt hat, kann nach keinem gottlichen oder menschlichen Rechte ge- 
halten sein, sobald er andere Einsichten von der Wahrheit bekommt, 



364 NATHAN DER WEISE [2552 

eben dasselbe zu glauben, was er als ein Kind in Einfalt zu glauben 
gelehrt war." 

2552. Der Fragmentist fuhrt aus, daB es sehr von Umstanden ab- 
hangt, ob jemand dem Christentum oder einer anderen Religion sich 
auBerlich anschlieBt. Und da der Mensch iiber die Umstande meist 
keine Macht hat, ware es ungerecht von Gott, ihn dafiir verantwortlich 
zu machen. L. M. xn, 326: "Gott handelt gewiB anders im Leib- 
lichen. Was den Menschen, und besonders auch den Kindern, zum 
Leben notwendig ist, das reicht er durch die Natur im Uberflusse dar, 
daB es sich alien und jeden von selbst anbietet ; und giebt wiederum 
jedem das Vermogen, sich dessen zu bedienen. Wie kann er die Mit- 
tel zu dem geistlichen und ewigen Leben und Wohlfahrt so sehr iiber 
das Vermogen der Menschen gesetzt haben, daB sie (d. h. die Mittel) 
teils unmoglich sind, teils dem Zufall tiberlassen werden?" 

2555 f. Vgl. den Fragmentisten, L. M. xn, 259: "Zieht der Prie- 
ster auf die Unglaubigen los, so denkt der gemeine Mann, dessen 
ganze Religion im Glauben besteht, daB es Leute sind, die gar keine 
Religion haben, die weder Gott noch Teufel, weder Himmel noch 
Holle glauben. Denn er urteilt nach sich selbst : wenn bei ihm der 
Glaube wegfiele, so bliebe gar keine Religion iibrig. Unchristen klin- 
gen in des P5bels Ohren als ruchlose, lasterhafte Bosewichter. " — An 
anderer Stelle : ' ' Der Pobel glaubt so kraftig, daB er sich wohl auf 
seinen Glauben totschlagen lieBe, und andere gern totschliige, die das 
nicht glauben, was er glaubt." 

2579. Paulsen, Einleitung in die Philosophies S. 310:' "Die natur- 
liche Theologie war dem achtzehnten Jahrhundert die Grundlage sei- 
nes ganzen Denkens, ja schien ihm die Grundlage des ganzen Lebens 
zu sein ; sie antasten hieB alle gOttliche und menschliche Ordnung auf 
den Kopf stellen. Man hore einen so frei denkenden Mann wie Wie- 
land (Uber den Gebrauch der Vernunft in Glaubenssachen, 1788): 
"Der Glaube an Gott nicht nur als die erste Grundursache aller 
Dinge, sondern auch als unumschrankten und hftchsten Gesetzgeber, 
Regenten und Richter der Menschen macht nebst dem Glauben an 
einen kunftigen Zustand nach dem Tode die ersten Grundartikel der 
Religion aus. Diesen Glauben auf alle mogliche Weise zu bekraftigen 
und zu unterstiitzen ist eines der wurdigsten und ntitzlichsten Ge- 
schafte der Philosophic, in Riicksicht der Unentbehrlichkeit desselben 
sogar Pflicht ; ihn anzufechten und durch alle Arten von Zweifeln und 
Scheingriinden in den Gemutern der Menschen wankend zu machen 
oder sogar umzustoBen, kann nicht nur zu gar nichts helfen, sondern 
xSt im Grunde um gar nichts besser, als ein offentlicher Angriff auf 



2579] APPENDIX 3 6 5 

die Grundverfassung des Staates, wovon die Religion einen wesent- 
lichen Teil ausmacht, iind auf die oftentliche Ruhe und Sicherheit, 
deren Stiitze sie ist. Ich trage also kein Bedenken, meine n unmaB- 
geblichen Rat an den KSnig oder Fiirsten, der mich (wider alles Ver- 
muten) nach 50 Jahren etwa iiber diese Dinge urn Rat fragen sollte, 
noch diesen Artikel hinzuzusetzen : daB das imgereimte und argerliche 
Disputieren gegen das Dasein Gottes oder gegen die ange7io?nme7ieu Be- 
weise desselben, wenn man keine bessere zu geben hat, imgleichen das 
5ffentliche Bestreiten der Lehre von der Unsterblichkeit der Seele fiir 
ein Attentat gegen die Menschheit und gegen die btirgerliche Gesell- 
schaft erklart und durch ein ausdriicklickes Strafgesetz verboten wer- 
den sollte." " 

Ganz irn Sinne Wielands widersetzte sich das Consistorium von Bres- 
lau den von Friedricli dem GroBen angebahnten Schulreformen mit 
den Worten, ''der Unterthan sei der beste, welcher am meisten {sic!) 
glaube und der der scklechteste, welcher am meisten raisonniere." 
Vgl. Ziegler, Geschichte der Padagogik, S. 238. — Und es ist wohl zu 
beachten, daB selbst der Fragmentist von einem guten Staatsbtirger 
verlangt, daB er Religion habe ; nur erklart er seine verniinftige Reli- 
gion fur mindestens so gut als jede andere. Vgl. Von Diddling der 
Deisten, L. M. XII, 258: "Was haben die Herren Theologi fur Recht, 
daB sie diejenigen, die dock erne wakre Religion haben mid ausube7i, 
sonst aber nichts wider den Staat und ihre Xebenmenschen, oder in 
besonderen Tugendpflichten verbrechen, offentlich vor dem gemeinen 
Haufen beschimpfen und verhaBt machen?" 

Die Stelle. auf welche wohl Lessing besonders anspielt, findet sich 
in Goeze's Streitschriften. S. 70-71 : "Woher entspringt die Sicherheit 
unserer Monarchen und die Treue, welche sie von ihren Kriegern er- 
warten. und wirklich bei ihnen finden? Daher ? weil solche Christen 
sind. Sind sie es gleich nicht a lie im scharfsten Verstande ; so sind 
doch die Grundgesetze der christlichen Religion von dem Rechte der 
Obrigkeit, und von der Pflicht der Unterthanen, zu tief in ihre Her- 
zen gepragt, als daB es ihnen so leicht als den Heiden. werden sollte. 
solche daraus zu vertilgen. Werden sie aber Christen bleiben? Wird 
nicht mit der Ehrerbietung gegen die heil. Schrift und Religion, audi 
zugleich die Bereitwilligkeit ihren Oberherren den schuldigen Gehor- 
sam zu leisten. und der Abscheu gegen Rebellion in ihren Herzen aus- 
gel5schet werden. wenn es jedem Witzlinge und Xarren freistehet, mit 
der christlichen Religion und mit der Bibel vor den Augen des ganzen 
christlichen Publici das tollkuhnste Gespotte zu treiben? Ich habe 
die Hoffhung zu Gott. daB die Zeit nahe sei, welche diesem unsinni= 



366 NATHAN DER WEISE [ 2592 

gen Unfuge ein Ende machen wird, und daB groBe Herren, um ihrer 
eigenen Siclierheit willen, oder wenigstens zu verhiiten, daB sie, als 
Gottes Statth alter, als Liebhaber des Lebens, nicht nOtig haben 
mogen, Schwert und Rad, zur Rache uber die Ubelthater gebrauchen 
zu diirfen, solchen Thoren und den verwegenen Ausbruchen ihres Un- 
sinns, Grenzen setzen werden." 

2592. Goeze hatte Lessing und andern wegen ihrer Schriften Got- 
tes Strafgericht angekiindigt. Lessing antwortet darauf im dritten 
Anti-Goeze, L. M. xiii, 154: "Warum sollte er also nicht, trotz seines 
fleiBigen Verdammens . . . selig zu werden hoffen? Ich bilde mir ein, 
daB er selbst durch dieses Verdammen selig zu werden hoffet." 

2687. Vgl. Ernst und Falk. L. M. xiii, 357: Ernst: Denn alien- 
falls dachte ich doch, so wie du angenommen hast, daB alle Staaten 
einerlei Verfassung hatten, daB sie auch wohl alle einerlei Religion 
haben kOnnten; Ja, ich begreife nicht, wie einerlei Staatsverfassung 
ohne einerlei Religion auch nur mSglich ist. — Falk: Ich eben so 
wenig. — Auch nahm ich jenes nur an, um deine Ausflucht abzu- 
schneiden. Eines ist zuverlassig eben so unmOglich als das andere. 
Ein Staat : mehrere Staaten. Mehrere Staaten : mehrere Staatsver- 
fassungen. Mehrere Staatsverfassungen : mehrere Religionen. 

2997. Alcibiades, L. M. ill, 399 : Susamithres: Das weiB ich, 
mein Vater ist ehrgeizig. — Alcibiades : Und wessen ist ein Ehrgeizi- 
ger nicht fahig ; wie der gr5Bten Tugenden, so der schandlichsten 
Laster, mit dem Unterschiede nur, daB diese Laster ganz unfehlbare 
Laster, und jene Tugenden sehr zweifelhafte Tugenden sind. — Wie 
spat habe ich das erkennen lernen ! DaB ich es nicht eher erkannt, 
lag an dir nicht, gottlicher Sokrates. Mit welcher liebenden Hart- 
nackigkeit verfolgtest du meine Jugend, um mich zur Kenntnis meiner 
selbst, meiner eignen Unwiirdigkeit zu bringen, um den Stolz in mir 
zu unterdriicken. 

3024. Vgl. den Fragmentisten, Vom Zwecke yesu tmd seiner 
Junger, L. M. xiii, 227: "Ich kann nicht umhin, einen gemeinen 
Irrtum der Christen zu entdecken, welche aus ' der Vermischung der 
Lehre der Apostel mit der Lehre Jesu sich einbilden, daB Jesu Ab- 
sicht in seinem Lehramte gewesen, gewisse zum Teil neue und unbe- 
kannte Glaubensartikel und Geheimnisse zu offenbaren, und also ein 
neues Lehrgebaude . der Religion aufzurichten . . . Allein in alien 
Lehren, Reden und Gesprachen Jesu kann ich davon nicht die ge- 
ringste Spur finden. Er trieb nichts als lauter sittliche Pflichten, 
wahre Liebe Gottes und des Nachsten : darin setzet er den ganzen In- 
halt des Gesetzes und der Propheten : und darauf heiBet er die Hoff- 






3512 ] APPENDIX 36J 

nung zu seinem Himmelreich und zur Seligkeit bauen. Ubrigens war 
er ein geborener Jude und wollte es audi bleiben : er bezeuget, er sei 
nicht gekommen, das Gesetz abzuschaffen, sondern zu erf alien : er 
weiset nur, daB das Hauptsachlichste im Gesetze nicht auf die auBer- 
lichen Dinge ankame." Moses Mendelssohn war derselben Ansicht; 
und Heinr. Heine — der ubrigens auf religiosem Gebiet kaum zu 
einem Urteil berechtigt sein diirfte — nennt die Christen sowohl als 
die Hebraer Juden, nur mit dem Unterschiede, daB die einen getauft, 
die andern ungetauft seien. 

3053. Vgl. Uber die Entstehung der geoffenbarten Religion, 
L. M. xiv, 312: "Einen Gott erkennen, sich die wiirdigsten Begriffe 
von ihm zu machen suchen, auf diese wiirdigsten Begriffe bei alien 
unseren Handlungen und Gedanken Rucksicht nehmen : ist der voll- 
standigste Inbegriff aller nattirlichen Religion. Zu dieser nattirlichen 
Religion ist ein jeder Mensch, nach dem MaBe seiner Krafte, aufge- 
legt und verbunden." 

3067. Vgl. dazu Lessings Definition eines Christen in den Axio- 
mat a, L. M. xiii, 125: "Ehe ich weiter erzahle, Herr Pastor: waren 
diese guten Leutchen wohl Christen, oder waren sie keine? Sie 
glaubten sehr lebhaft, daB es ein hochstes Wesen gebe ; daB sie arme 
sundige GeschOpfe waren ; daB dieses hOchste Wesen demohngeachtet. 
durch ein anderes eben so holies Wesen, sie nach diesem Leben ewig 
glucklich zu machen, die Anstalt getroffen. — Herr Pastor ; waren 
diese Leutchen Christen, oder waren sie keine?" Dieselbe Frage 
wiederholt er im achten Anti-Goeze. Vgl.: Das Testament Johannis, 
L. M. xiii, 16. Hier fragt Lessing seinen Gegner : "Aber ich ver- 
steh' Sie auch wohl nicht. — So ist die christliche Liebe nicht die 
christliche Religion?" 

3077. Mendelssohn schrieb in der 15. Morgenstunde — was ich aus 
Kettner anfuhre — : " Hauptsachlich, was die Lehre von der Vor- 
sehung und Regierung Gottes betrifft, kenne ich keinen Schriftsteller 
der diese groBen Wahrheiten in derselben Lauterkeit, mit derselben 
Uberzeugungskraft und mit demselben Interesse dem Leser ans Herz 
gelegt hatte, als Lessing in seinem Meisterstiicke (d. h. Nathan) . . . Es 
kommt mir so vor, als wenn er die Absicht gehabt hatte in seinem 
Nathan eine Art von "Anti-Candide" zu schreiben. Der franzOsische 
Dichter strengte alle auBerordentlichen Talente, die ihm die Vorsehung 
gegeben, an, um auf diese Vorsehung selbst eine Satire zu verfertigen. 
Der Deutsche that ebendies, um sie zu rechtfertigen und um sie den 
Augen der Sterblichen in ihrer reinsten Verklarung zu zeigen." 

3512. Frick und Gaudig bemerken zu diesem Verse: " Damit ist 



368 NATHAN DER WEISE [3534 

der letzte Rest des Fanatismus uberwunden und ausgebrannt " (Diintzer, 
Erlauterungen zu Nathan, S. 249), "aber auch — des Charakters. Ein 
Tempelherr, der das Christentum einem Juden gegentiber herabsetzt 
(wird den lautern Weizen, den Ihr gesat, das Unkraut endiich nicht 
ersticken?) und der die MOglichkeit setzt, daB er ebensogut auch ein 
Muselmann werden k5nne, ist kein Charakter mehr." — Wir haben in 
der Einleitung auszufiihren gesucht, daB der Tempelherr vielmehr noch 
kein Character set, aber sich auf dem Wege befinde, einer zu werden. 
3534. Im xi. Band der Lachmannschen Ausgabe (nicht der neuen 
Lachmann-Munckerschen), S. 747, findet sich folgendes Bekenntnis 
Lessings : ' ' Ich bin nicht gelehrt — ich habe nie die Absicht gehabt, 
gelehrt zu werden — ich m5chte nicht gelehrt sein, und wenn ich es 
im Traume werden kSnnte. Alles, wonach ich ein wenig gestrebt 
habe, ist, im Fall der Not ein gelehrtes Buch brauchen zu konnen. — 
Der aus Buchern erworbene Reichtum fremder Erfahrung heiBt Gelehr- 
samkeit. Eigne Erfahrung ist Weisheit. Das kleinste Kapital von 
dieser ist mehr wert, als Millionen jener." Von gr5Berer Wichtigkeit 
ist wohl eine Stelle aus den Axiomata, L. M. xni, 120: ; 'Noch kann 
ich mich iiber eine Frage nicht genug wundern, die der Herr Pastor 
mit einer Zuversicht thut, als ob nur eine Antwort darauf mOglich 
ware. "Wtirde," fragt er, "wenn die neutestamentlichen Biicher 
nicht geschrieben, und bis auf uns gekommen waren, wohl eine Spur 
von dem, was Christus gethan und gelehrt hat, in der Welt iibrig ge- 
blieben sein?" — Gott behute mich, jemals so klein von Christi Leh- 
ren zu denken, daB ich diese Frage so geradezu mit Nein zu beant- 
worten wagte. Nein ; dieses Nein sprache ich nicht nach, und wenn 
mir es ein Engel vom Himmel vorsagte. Geschweige, da mir es nur 
ein Lutherscher Pastor in den Mund legen will. — Alles, was in der 
Welt geschieht, lieBe Spuren in der Welt zuriick, ob sie der Mensch 
gleich nicht immer nachweisen kann : und nur deine Lehren, gott- 
licher Menschenfreund, die du nicht aufzuschreiben, die du zu predigen 
befahlest, wenn sie auch nur gepredigt worden, sollten nichts, gar 
nichts gewirket haben, woraus sich ihr Ursprung erkennen lieBe? 
Deine Worte sollten erst, in tote Buchstaben verwandelt, Worte des 
Lebens geworden sein ? Sind die Biicher der einzige Weg, die Men- 
schen zu erleuchten, und zu bessern? Ist mundliche Uberlieferung 
nichts?" 



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